
- Dutch
- Frisian
- Afrikaans
- Dutch
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
- Frisian
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Afrikaans
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
In this section a variety of clause adverbials are discussed, i.e. adverbials related to the clause as a whole rather than to the verbal predicate alone. Some adverbials, for instance polarity and spatio-temporal adverbials, are used both as clause and as VP adverbials. Clause adverbials usually precede VP adverbials in the ordering of the clause and have scope over the entire clause. To determine whether its scope extends over the entire proposition, the adverbial is cast in a construction in which it precedes the clause in question, as in (1b).
a. | My kollega is moontlik uitstedig. | ||||||||||||||
my colleague is possibly out.of.town | |||||||||||||||
My colleague is possibly out of town. |
b. | Dit is moontlik (so) dat my kollega uitstedig is. | ||||||||||||||
it is possibly so that.COMP my colleague out.of.town is | |||||||||||||||
It is possibly so that my colleague is out of town. |
When interpreted as negating an entire clause, the polarity adverbialnie not – usually followed by a clause or sentence final nie confirming the first negative – is a clause adverbial, e.g.
Erna het nie vanjaar 'n bonus gekry nie. |
Erna have.AUX not this.year a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG |
Erna didn't get a bonus this year. |
As any adverbial preceding a clause negative is likely also to be a clause adverbial, this positioning is a convenient way to identify other clause adverbials. Thus a focus particle such as selfs even is preferably placed before the negative:
Sy het selfs nie 'n bonus gekry nie. |
she have.AUX even not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG |
She didn't even get a bonus. |
An aspectual adverbial such as the iterativedikwels often is also found in this position:
Sy het dikwels nie 'n bonus gekry nie. |
she have.AUX often not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG |
She often didn't get a bonus. |
Byna almost is an example of a clause-degree adverbial, e.g.
Sy het byna nie 'n bonus gekry nie. |
she have.AUX almost not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG |
She almost didn't get a bonus. |
Clausal modality may be verbal, for example epistemicmoet should in (6a), but it can also be done adverbially, through the evidential adverb glo reportedly illustrated by example (6b).
a. | Sy moet tans oorsee wees. | ||||||||||||||
she must.AUX.MOD at.present overseas be.INF | |||||||||||||||
She should be overseas at the moment. |
b. | Sy is glo op die oomblik oorsee. | ||||||||||||||
she is reputedly on the moment overseas | |||||||||||||||
She is reputedly overseas at the moment. |
Clause adverbials can also be subject-oriented, as in (7a), or denote the stance that the speaker adopts in respect of the entire propostion, as in (7b):
a. | Sy het wyslik daarteen besluit. | ||||||||||||||
she have.AUX wisely PN.against decide.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
She wisely decided against it. |
b. | Sy het ongelukkig nie 'n bonus gekry nie. | ||||||||||||||
she have.AUX unfortunately not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
She unfortunately didn't get a bonus. |
A clause adverbial may also express the speaker's point of view, as illustrated in example (8).
Wat my betref, moes sy 'n bonus gekry het. |
what me concern must.AUX.MOD.PRT she a bonus get.PST.PTCP have.AUX |
As far as I'm concerned, she should have received a bonus. |
Temporal and locational adverbials can function as clause adverbials when they precede another clause adverbial, as in examples (9a) and (9b), respectively.
a. | Sy kry vandag miskien goeie nuus. | ||||||||||||||
she get today perhaps good news | |||||||||||||||
She will perhaps receive good news today. |
b. | Sy hoor in Pretoria dalk van haar ma. | ||||||||||||||
she hear in Pretoria perhaps from her mother | |||||||||||||||
She'll perhaps hear from her mother in Pretoria. |
Various contingency adverbials are used, for instance to refer to the cause of something:
Sy het as gevolg van beurtkrag geld verloor. |
she have.AUX as result of load.shedding money lose.PST.PTCP |
She lost money as a result of load shedding |
The domain in which an event is situated may also be expressed by a clause adverbial, e.g.
Sy makeer sielkundig heeltemal niks. |
she lack psychologically entirely nothing |
Nothing at all is wrong with her psychologically. |
In exampole (12), ook also is a conjunctive adverbial.
Sy is nie ryk nie, maar ook nie suinig nie. |
she is not rich PTCL.NEG but.CNJ also not stingy PTCL.NEG |
She is not rich, but she isn't stingy either. |
A number of adverbials relate to the way an utterance expresses a speech act, e.g.
Om die waarheid te sê, Erna verjaar vandag. |
for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF Erna celebrate.her.birthday today |
To tell the truth, it's Erna's birthday today. |
- Polarity adverbials
- Focus particles
- Aspectual adverbials
- Clause-degree adverbials
- Modal verbs and adverbials
- Subject-oriented adverbials
- Stance adverbials
- Point-of-view adverbials
- Spatio-temporal adverbials
- Contingency adverbials
- Domain adverbials
- Conjunctive adverbials
- Speech-act related adverbials
This section discusses the negative adverb nie not and its unstressed clause-final correlate nie by means of which the proposition contained in a clause is negated, as in (14a), and its affirmative counterpart wel indeed which emphatically affirms such a proposition, as in (14b). Unlike nie, wel may be superfluous as truthfulness is the default value of a declarative sentence. In (14c) it is indicated how nie and wel are used contrastively.
a. | Fanie het nie sy huiswerk gedoen nie. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX not his homework do.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Fanie hasn't done his homework. |
b. | Marie het wel haar huiswerk gedoen. | ||||||||||||||
Marie have.AUX indeed her homework do.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
Marie has indeed done her homework. |
c. | Fanie het nie sy huiswerk gedoen nie, maar Marie hare wel. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX not his homework do.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG but.CNJ Marie hers indeed | |||||||||||||||
Fanie hasn't done his homework but Marie has done hers. |
The scope test indicates that both nie and wel are clause adverbials:
a. | Dit is nie so dat Fanie sy huiswerk gedoen het nie. | ||||||||||||||
it is not so that.COMP Fanie his homework do.PST.PTCP have.AUX PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
It isn't so that Fanie has done his homework. |
b. | Dit is wel so dat Marie haar huiswerk gedoen het. | ||||||||||||||
it is indeed so that.COMP Marie her homework do.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
It is indeed so that Marie did do her homework. |
The adverb nie can also be used in constituent negation, for instance in (16a), where almal everyone is negated. With the alternative order in (16b), both constituent and propositional negation may be intended:
a. | Nie almal het opgedaag nie. | ||||||||||||||
not all have.AUX up.turn.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Not everyone turned up. |
Almal het nie opgedaag nie. |
all have.AUX not up.turn.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG |
No one turned up. / Not everyone turned up. |
In Afrikaans the scope of the negation, which may extend over more than one clause in a complex sentence, is demarcated by the second nie. This is possible in sentences with omdat because as coordinator:
a. | Fanie het nie tuis gebly omdat hy siek was nie. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP because.CNJ he ill was PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Fanie didn't stay at home because he was ill. |
b. | Fanie het nie tuis gebly nie, omdat hy siek was. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG because.CNJ he ill was | |||||||||||||||
Fanie didn't stay at home, because he was ill. |
c. | Fanie het tuis gebly, maar nie omdat hy siek was nie. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX at.home stay.PST.PTCP but.CNJ not because.CNJ he ill was PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Fanie stayed at home, but not because he was ill. |
With want because as coordinator, nie cannot have scope across want:
a. | *Fanie het nie tuis gebly want hy was siek nie. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP because.CNJ he was ill PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
To mean: Fanie didn't stay at home because he was ill. |
b. | Fanie het nie tuis gebly nie want hy was gesond. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG because.CNJ he was well | |||||||||||||||
Fanie didn't stay at home, because he was well. |
c. | Fanie het tuis gebly want hy was nie gesond nie. | ||||||||||||||
Fanie have.AUX at.home stay.PST.PTCP because.CNJ he was not well PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Fanie stayed at home because he wasn't well. |
Particles such as net just, only, ook only and selfs even can precede clause negation as focus particles. They also satify the clausal scope test, as demonstrated by the examples in (20).
a. | As atleet is Frik net nie goed genoeg nie. |
as athlete is Frik just not good enough PTCL.NEG | |
As an athlete Frik just isn't good enough. |
a.' | Dit is net so dat Frik nie as atleet vinnig genoeg is nie. |
it is just so that.COMP FRIK not as athlete fast enough is PTCL.NEG | |
It is just so that Frik isn't fast enough as an athlete. |
b. | Frik speel nie tennis nie en Fransina ook nie. |
Frik play not tennis PTCL.NEG and Fransina also PTCL.NEG | |
Frik doesn't play tennis and neither does Fransina. |
b.' | Dit is ook so dat Fransina nie tennis speel nie. |
it is also so that.COMP Fransina not tennis play PTCL.NEG | |
It is also so that Fransina doesn't play tennis. |
c. | Frik kan selfs nie 'n fiets bekostig nie. |
Frik can.AUX.MOD even not a bicycle afford PTCL.NEG | |
Frik can't even afford a bicycle. |
c.' | Dit is selfs so dat Frik nie 'n fiets kan bekostig nie. |
it is even so that.COMP Frik not a bicycle can.AUX.MOD afford PTCL.NEG | |
It is even so that Frik cannot afford a bicycle. |
Some of these adverbials also function as clause adverbials without collocating with the negative:
a. | Frik speel ook tennis. | ||||||||||||||
Frik play also tennis | |||||||||||||||
Frik also plays tennis. |
b. | Fransina kan selfs 'n motor bekostig. | ||||||||||||||
Fransina can.AUX.MOD even a car afford.INF | |||||||||||||||
Fransina can even afford a car. |
Aspectual adverbials which can precede sentence negation include habitual adverbials such as gewoonlik usually, frequentative adverbials such as dikwels often, continuative adverbials such as nog (steeds) still and iterative adverbials such as weer again. The fact that they precede sentence negation is an indication that they are clausal rather than VP adverbials. This is also borne out by the scope test, as illustrated by the examples in (22).
a. | Dat Piet gewoonlik nie pendel nie, is waar. |
that.COMP Piet usually not commute PTCL.NEG is true | |
That Piet usually doesn't commute is true. |
a.' | Dit is gewoonlik so dat Piet nie pendel nie. |
it is usually so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG | |
It is usually so that Piet doesn't commute. |
b. | Dat Piet dikwels nie pendel nie, is waar. |
that.COMP Piet often not commute PTCL.NEG is true | |
That Piet often doesn't commute is true. |
b.' | Dit is dikwels so dat Piet nie pendel nie. |
it is often so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG | |
It is often so that Piet doesn't commute. |
c. | Dat Piet nog nie pendel nie, is waar. |
that.COMP Piet still not commute PTCL.NEG is true | |
That Piet still doesn't commute is true. |
c.' | Dit is nog so dat Piet nie pendel nie. |
it is still so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG | |
It still is so that Piet doesn't commute. |
d. | Dat Piet weer nie pendel nie, is waar. |
that.COMP Piet once.again not commute PTCL.NEG is true | |
That Piet once again isn't commuting is true. |
d.' | Dit is weer so dat Piet nie pendel nie. |
it is once.again so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG | |
It is once again so that Piet doesn't commute. |
When these adverbials are placed after the negative, they are usually VP adverbials, as shown in (23).
a. | Dat Piet nie gewoonlik pendel nie, is waar. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Piet not usually commute PTCL.NEG is true | |||||||||||||||
That Piet doesn't usually commute is true. |
b. | Piet pendel nie en dit is gewoonlik die geval. | ||||||||||||||
Piet commute not and this is usually the case | |||||||||||||||
Piet doesn't commute and this is usually the case. |
Baiekeer very often in (24a) occurs before the first negation and the clause adverbial waarskynlik probably and is therefore a clause adverbial (cf. (24ai)). However, in (24b), where it occurs after the first negation and waarskynlik, the negation functions as a constituent negation (cf. example (16) and baiekeer is a VP adverbial.
a. | Piet pendel waarskynlik nie baiekeer nie. | ||||||||||||||
Piet commute probably not many.time PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Piet probably doesn't commute very often. |
a. | Piet pendel baiekeer waarskynlik nie. |
Piet commute many.time probably not | |
Piet very often probably doesn't commute. |
a.' | Dit is baiekeer so dat Piet waarskynlik nie pendel nie. |
it is very.often so that.COMP Piet probably not commute PTCL.NEG | |
It is very often so that Piet probably doesn't commute. |
Adverbials such as byna almost and amper almost, which are synonymous in Afrikaans, indicate the degree to which a proposition is realised:
a. | Jan het byna/amper sy humeur verloor. | ||||||||||||||
Jan have.AUX almost his temper lose.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
Jan almost lost his temper. |
b. | Dit was byna/amper so dat Jan sy humeur verloor het. | ||||||||||||||
it was almost so that.COMP Jan his temper lose.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
It was almost so that Jan lost his temper. |
A small set of adverbials are postposed to the negative as downtoners, i.e. to render the negative less absolute, viz. eintlik really, actually, the pair rêrig and regtig really, and juis exactly, particularly, e.g. (26a). As a collocation, nie eintlik not really functions as a clause adverbial, cf. the scope test in (26b).
a. | Jan het nie eintlik sy humeur verloor nie. | ||||||||||||||
Jan have.AUX not really his temper lose.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Jan hasn't really lost his temper. |
b. | Dit is nie eintlik so dat Jan sy humeur verloor het nie. | ||||||||||||||
it is not really so that.COMP Jan his temper lose.PST.PTCP have.AUX PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
It isn't really so that Jan lost his temper. |
Modality not only plays a part in the VP, but may also express an evaluation of the factuality of the proposition as a whole. A distinction may be made between epistemic modality, which evaluates the degree of factuality of a proposition, and evidential modality, which evaluates the type of factuality of a proposition. Epistemic modality may be verbal or adverbial in nature.
a. | Mariska kan die prys gewen het. | ||||||||||||||
Mariska can.AUX.MOD the prize win.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
Mariska could have won the prize. |
b. | Bell moet die uitvinder van die telefoon wees. | ||||||||||||||
Bell must.AUX.MOD the inventor of the telephone be.INF | |||||||||||||||
Bell must be the inventor of the telephone. |
c. | Mariska sal nou voor haar rekenaar sit. | ||||||||||||||
Mariska will.AUX.MOD now before her computer sit.INF | |||||||||||||||
Mariska would be sitting in front of her computer now. |
Kan presents the proposition as a possible conclusion, moet presents the proposition as necessarily true, and sal presents the proposition as predictable on the basis of available evidence.
Evidential judgments are related to the source of the information on which the judgment is based. The modal preterite sou may hint at a rumour, and is therefore evidential in nature:
Mnr X sou sy vrou verlaat het. |
Mr X will.AUX.MOD.PRT his wife leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX |
Mr X is rumoured to have left his wife. |
Skyn to seem in (29a) indicates that the truthfulness of the information is restricted to appearances or rumours, while blyk to turn out in (29b) suggests that a source can be identified, i.e. direct evidence.
a. | Mnr X skyn sy vrou te verlaat het. | ||||||||||||||
Mr X seem.AUX.MOD his wife PTCL.INF leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
Mr X seems to have left his wife. |
b. | Mnr Y blyk sy vrou te verlaat het. | ||||||||||||||
Mr Y appear.AUX.MOD his wife PTCL.INF leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
Mr Y appears to have left his wife. |
a. | Mnr X het glo sy vrou verlaat. | ||||||||||||||
Mr X have.AUX reputedly his wife leave.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
Mr X has reputedly left his wife. |
b. | Dit is glo so dat mnr X sy vrou verlaat het. | ||||||||||||||
it is reputedly so that.COMP Mr X his wife leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
It is reputedly so that Mr X left his wife. |
The adverbials miskien perhaps, dalk perhaps and moontlik possibly express possibility or probability, and also have clausal reference, as shown by the examples in (31).
a. | Inflasie gaan miskien styg. | ||||||||||||||
inflation go.AUX.MOD perhaps rise.INF | |||||||||||||||
Inflation is perhaps going to rise. |
b. | Dit is moontlik dat inflasie gaan styg. | ||||||||||||||
it is possible that.COMP inflation go.AUX.MOD rise.INF | |||||||||||||||
It is possible that inflation is going to rise. |
A wide range of attitudes is expressed by clausal adverbials such as the following: waarskynlik probably, natuurlik naturally, ongetwyfeld undoubtedly, vermoedelik supposedly, sekerlik certainly, blykbaar apparently, duidelik clearly, kennelik obviously, oënskynlik seemingly and vermoedelik supposedly, as exemplified by the examples in (32).
a. | Jan het vermoedelik belangstelling verloor. | ||||||||||||||
Jan have.AUX presumably interest lose.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
Jan has presumably lost interest. |
b. | Dit is duidelik dat Jan belangstelling verloor het. | ||||||||||||||
it is clear that.COMP Jan interest lose.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
It is clear that Jan has lost interest. |
Subject-oriented adverbials reflect the evaluation of the agent in regard to an action. Thus goedgunstiglik graciously in (33a) expresses the speaker's attitude, while wyslik wisely in (33b) expresses his judgment in regard to an action. The deadjectival adverb mooitjies nice.DIM.PL in (33c), with nominal diminutive and plural inflection attached to an adjectival stem, expresses the speaker's appreciation of the dog's astuteness. These are all causal adverbials, but the phrasal test may require slight adaptation in order to produce a synonymous utterance:
a. | Hannes het goedgunstiglik die uitnodiging van die hand gewys. |
Hannes have.AUX graciously the invitation from the hand show.PST.PTCP | |
Jan was kind enough to decline the invitation. |
a.' | Dit was vriendelik van Hannes om die uitnodiging van die hand te wys. |
it was friendly of Hannes for.COMP the invitation from the hand PTCL.INF show.INF | |
It was a friendly gesture of Hannes to have declined the invitation. |
b. | Hannes het wyslik sy aandele betyds verkoop. |
Hannes have.AUX wisely his shares in.time sell.PST.PTCP | |
Hannes has wisely sold his shares in time. |
b.' | Dit was wys van Hannes om sy aandele betyds te verkoop. |
it was wise of Hannes for.COMP his shares in.time PTCL.INF sell.INF | |
It was wise of Hannes to sell his shares in time. |
c. | Die hond het mooitjies die yskasdeur oopgemaak. |
the dog have.AUX cleverly the fridge.door open.make.PST.PTCP | |
The dog cleverly opened the fridge door. |
c.' | Dit was slim van die hond om die yskasdeur oop te maak. |
it was clever of the dog for.COMP the fridge.door open PTCL.INF make.INF | |
It was clever of the dog to have opened the fridge door. |
A stance adverbialexpresses an attitude of the speaker towards the entire propositon contained in the clause. These may have epistemic implications for the assessment of the truth of the proposition, or can be a more subjective evaluation of the proposition. A number of these, such as gelukkig fortunately, ongelukkig unfortunately, helaas unfortunately and begryplikerwys understandibly are factive in nature, as in (34a), whereas others, such as hopelik hopefully, are non-factive, as in (34b). In the latter case the speaker does not know whether the proposition is true, but would prefer it to be the case. All of these can be paraphrased as clause adverbials.
a. | Mercia het helaas nie die eksamen geslaag nie. |
Mercia have.AUX unfortunately not the examination pass.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG | |
Unfortunately Mercia didn't pass the exam. |
a.' | Dit is helaas so dat Mercia nie die eksamen geslaag het nie. |
it is unfortunately so that.COMP Mercia not the examination pass.PST.PTCP have.AUX.PST PTCL.NEG | |
It is unfortunately so that Mercia didn't pass the exam. |
b. | Hennie sal hopelik beter vaar. |
Hennie will.AUX.MOD hopefully better fare.INF | |
Hennie will hopefully fare better. |
b.' | Dit is hopelik so dat Hennie beter sal vaar. |
it is hopefully so that.COMP Hennie better will.AUX.MOD fare.INF | |
It is hopefully so that Hennie will fare better. |
Other clausal adverbials which sometimes express even more subtle attitudes towards the proposition, the speaker him-/herself, the addressee or the proposition as such and often do not have English equivalents, are referred to by Ponelis (1979:294-298) as stelligheids- of kleuradjunkteprobability or colour adjuncts, e.g. sommer without further ado, darem after all, nogal rather, mos as you know, of course, kamma, kastig feignedly, hoeka all along, as a case in point, rêrig, regtig really, as exemplified in (35).
a. | 'n Ligjaar dui mos afstand aan. |
a light.year point of.course distance to | |
A light year, of course, indicates distance. |
a.' | Dit is mos so dat 'n ligjaar afstand aandui. |
it is of.course so that.COMP a light.year distance to.point | |
It is of course so that a light year indicates distance. |
b. | Hestertjie het darem president geword. |
Hestertjie have.AUX after.all president become.PST.PTCP | |
Hestertjie became president after all. |
b.' | Dit is darem so dat Hestertjie president geword het. |
it is after.all so that.COMP Hestertjie president become.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
It is after all so that Hestertjie became president. |
Some adverbials, such as beslis certainly, , sekerlik certainly and definitief definitely, make it clear that the speaker considers the proposition to be true; others, which may include the speaker, point towards the evaluator or source of the information, e.g. myns insiens to my mind and volgens Petrus according to Petrus, e.g.
a. | Die brandstofprys gaan definitief Woensdag styg. |
the fuel.price go.AUX.MOD definitely Wednesday rise.INF | |
The fuel price is definitely going to rise on Wednesday. |
a.' | Dit is definitief so dat die brandstofprys Woensdag gaan styg. |
it is definitely so that.COMP the fuel.price Wednesday go.AUX.MOD rise.INF | |
It is definitely so that the fuel price is going to rise on Wednesday. |
b. | Maar volgens Petrus gaan dit eerder daal. |
but.CNJ according.to Petrus go.AUX.MOD it rather drop.INF | |
But according to Petrus it is going to drop rather. |
b.' | Maar volgens Petrus is dit so dat dit gaan daal. |
but.CNJ according.to Petrus is it so that.COMP it go.AUX.MOD drop | |
But according to Petrus it is so that it is going to drop. |
Spatio-temporal adverbials are not only used as VP adverbials but also as clause adverbials. As VP adverbials they would follow an epistemic adverbial such as hopelik hopefully, while as clause adverbials they should be able to precedehopelik.. This is demonstrated in (37a) for a temporal adverbial, and in (37b) for a locational one.
a. | Johan sal môre hopelik meer geluk hê. | ||||||||||||||
Johan will.AUX.MOD tomorrow hopefully more luck have.INF | |||||||||||||||
John will hopefully have more luck tomorrow. |
b. | Marie sal tuis hopelik beter kan ontspan. | ||||||||||||||
Marie will.AUX.MOD. at.home hopefully better can.AUX.MOD relax.INF | |||||||||||||||
Marie will hopefully be able to relax better at home. |
Adverbials indicating cause, such as deur die droogte because of the drought, and reason, such as vanweë die vakansie on account of, as a result of, not only serve as VP adverbials but may also be used as clause adverbials. Cause and reason are prone to overlap, since reason has cause in its semantic scope. An adverbial is likely to be a clausal rather than a VP adverbial if it precedes another clausal adverbial, such as moontlik possibly, as illustrated by the examples in (38).
a. | Damvlakke het deur die droogte moontlik gedaal. |
dam.levels have.AUX through the drought possibly go.down.PST.PTCP | |
Dam levels have possibly dropped because of the drought. |
a.' | Dit is deur die droogte so dat damvlakke moontlik gedaal het. |
it is through the drought so that.COMP dam.levels possibly go.down.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
It is so, because of the drought, that dam levels have possibly dropped. |
b. | Winkels is vanweë die vakansie moontlik gesluit. |
shops be.PRS on.account.of the vacation possibly closed.ADJ | |
Shops are possibly closed on account of the vacation. |
b.' | Dit is vanweë die vakansie so dat winkels moontlik gesluit is. |
it is on.account.of the vacation so that.COMP the shops possibly closed.ADJ be.PRS | |
On account of the vacation it is so that shops are possibly closed. |
In example (39), concessional adverbial precedes beslis definitely, which is in turn another clausal adverbial:
a. | Ons help u in noodgevalle beslis. | ||||||||||||||
we help you in emergencies definitely | |||||||||||||||
We will definitely help you in case of emergency. |
b. | Dit is in noodgevalle so dat ons u beslis help. | ||||||||||||||
it is in emergencies so that.COMP we you definitely help | |||||||||||||||
In emergencies it is so that we will definitely help you. |
Conditional clauses are also clausal, e.g.
a. | As die kat weg is, is die muis beslis baas. | ||||||||||||||
when.CNJ the cat away is is the mouse definitely master | |||||||||||||||
When the cat's away the mice will play. |
b. | Dit is as die kat weg is so dat die muis baas is. | ||||||||||||||
it is when the cat away is so that.COMP the mouse master is | |||||||||||||||
When the cat is away, it is so that the mice will play. |
A domain adverbial, such as polities politically, can also be used as a clausal adverbial, as illustrated in (41).
a. | Die opposisie is polities beslis op die regte spoor. | ||||||||||||||
the opposition is definitely on the right track | |||||||||||||||
Politically, the opposition is definitely on the right track. |
b. | Dit is wat hulle politiek betref so dat die opposisie beslis op die regte spoor is. | ||||||||||||||
it is what their politics concern so that.COMP the opposition definitely on the right track is | |||||||||||||||
As far as their politics is concerned, it is so that the opposition is definitely on the right track. |
Conjunctive adverbial phrases are clausal constituents which are comparable in function to conjunctions. They may have a linking function, or indicate contrast or other relations between clauses. Functions that may be distinguished are linking, as in (42a), contrast, as in (42b), and contingency, as in (42c).
a. | Bertie is 'n goeie bokser, en tewens 'n danser. |
Bertie is a good boxer and also a dancer | |
Bertie is a good boxer, but also a dancer. |
a.' | Dit is tewens so dat Bertie 'n danser is. |
it is also so that.COMP Bertie a dancer is | |
It is also so that Bertie is a dancer. |
b. | Jan hardloop kaalvoet, maar is desondanks 'n goeie atleet. |
Jan run bare.foot but.CNJ is nevertheless a good athlete | |
Jan runs barefooted but is nevertheless a good athlete. |
b.' | Dit is desondanks so dat Jan 'n goeie atleet is. |
it is nevertheless so that.COMP Jan a good athlete is | |
It is nevertheless so that Jan is a good athlete. |
c. | Chris weet wat om te doen; hy is immers die hoof van die skool. |
Chris know what for.COMP PTCL.INF do.INF he is after.all the head of the skool | |
Chris knows what to do; he is after all the principal of the school. |
c.' | Dit is immers so dat Chris die hoof van die skool is. |
it is after.all so that.COMP Chris the head of the school is | |
It is after all so that Chris is the principal of the school. |
By means of certain adverbials, which may consist of a clause, phrase or single adverb, a speaker provides a guideline for the interpretation of his/her utterance, e.g. om die waarheid te sê to tell the truth, kort en saaklik in a nutshell and eerlikwaar honestly. As these are often only loosely integrated with the clause, the scope test is relatively superfluous.
a. | Die skole het om die waarheid te sê reeds gesluit. | ||||||||||||||
the schools have.AUX for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF already close.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
To tell the truth, the schools have already closed. |
b. | Jy sal, kort en saaklik, die rekening moet betaal. | ||||||||||||||
you will.AUX.MOD short and factually the bill must.AUX.MOD pay.INF | |||||||||||||||
You will, in a nutshell, have to pay the bill. |
c. | Ek het dit eerlikwaar nie so bedoel nie. | ||||||||||||||
I have.AUX it honestly not so mean.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
I honestly didn't mean it that way. |
- Ponelis, F.A1979Afrikaanse sintaksis.Van Schaik
