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    Clause adverbials
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    In this section a variety of clause adverbials are discussed, i.e. adverbials related to the clause as a whole rather than to the verbal predicate alone. Some adverbials, for instance polarity and spatio-temporal adverbials, are used both as clause and as VP adverbials. Clause adverbials usually precede VP adverbials in the ordering of the clause and have scope over the entire clause. To determine whether its scope extends over the entire proposition, the adverbial is cast in a construction in which it precedes the clause in question, as in (1b).

    Example 1

    a. My kollega is moontlik uitstedig.
    my colleague is possibly out.of.town
    My colleague is possibly out of town.
    b. Dit is moontlik (so) dat my kollega uitstedig is.
    it is possibly so that.COMP my colleague out.of.town is
    It is possibly so that my colleague is out of town.

    When interpreted as negating an entire clause, the polarity adverbialnie not – usually followed by a clause or sentence final nie confirming the first negative – is a clause adverbial, e.g.

    Example 2

    Erna het nie vanjaar 'n bonus gekry nie.
    Erna have.AUX not this.year a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    Erna didn't get a bonus this year.

    As any adverbial preceding a clause negative is likely also to be a clause adverbial, this positioning is a convenient way to identify other clause adverbials. Thus a focus particle such as selfs even is preferably placed before the negative:

    Example 3

    Sy het selfs nie 'n bonus gekry nie.
    she have.AUX even not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    She didn't even get a bonus.

    An aspectual adverbial such as the iterativedikwels often is also found in this position:

    Example 4

    Sy het dikwels nie 'n bonus gekry nie.
    she have.AUX often not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    She often didn't get a bonus.

    Byna almost is an example of a clause-degree adverbial, e.g.

    Example 5

    Sy het byna nie 'n bonus gekry nie.
    she have.AUX almost not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    She almost didn't get a bonus.

    Clausal modality may be verbal, for example epistemicmoet should in (6a), but it can also be done adverbially, through the evidential adverb glo reportedly illustrated by example (6b).

    Example 6

    a. Sy moet tans oorsee wees.
    she must.AUX.MOD at.present overseas be.INF
    She should be overseas at the moment.
    b. Sy is glo op die oomblik oorsee.
    she is reputedly on the moment overseas
    She is reputedly overseas at the moment.

    Clause adverbials can also be subject-oriented, as in (7a), or denote the stance that the speaker adopts in respect of the entire propostion, as in (7b):

    Example 7

    a. Sy het wyslik daarteen besluit.
    she have.AUX wisely PN.against decide.PST.PTCP
    She wisely decided against it.
    b. Sy het ongelukkig nie 'n bonus gekry nie.
    she have.AUX unfortunately not a bonus get.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    She unfortunately didn't get a bonus.

    A clause adverbial may also express the speaker's point of view, as illustrated in example (8).

    Example 8

    Wat my betref, moes sy 'n bonus gekry het.
    what me concern must.AUX.MOD.PRT she a bonus get.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    As far as I'm concerned, she should have received a bonus.

    Temporal and locational adverbials can function as clause adverbials when they precede another clause adverbial, as in examples (9a) and (9b), respectively.

    Example 9

    a. Sy kry vandag miskien goeie nuus.
    she get today perhaps good news
    She will perhaps receive good news today.
    b. Sy hoor in Pretoria dalk van haar ma.
    she hear in Pretoria perhaps from her mother
    She'll perhaps hear from her mother in Pretoria.

    Various contingency adverbials are used, for instance to refer to the cause of something:

    Example 10

    Sy het as gevolg van beurtkrag geld verloor.
    she have.AUX as result of load.shedding money lose.PST.PTCP
    She lost money as a result of load shedding

    The domain in which an event is situated may also be expressed by a clause adverbial, e.g.

    Example 11

    Sy makeer sielkundig heeltemal niks.
    she lack psychologically entirely nothing
    Nothing at all is wrong with her psychologically.

    In exampole (12), ook also is a conjunctive adverbial.

    Example 12

    Sy is nie ryk nie, maar ook nie suinig nie.
    she is not rich PTCL.NEG but.CNJ also not stingy PTCL.NEG
    She is not rich, but she isn't stingy either.

    A number of adverbials relate to the way an utterance expresses a speech act, e.g.

    Example 13

    Om die waarheid te sê, Erna verjaar vandag.
    for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF Erna celebrate.her.birthday today
    To tell the truth, it's Erna's birthday today.
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    [+]Polarity adverbials

    This section discusses the negative adverb nie not and its unstressed clause-final correlate nie by means of which the proposition contained in a clause is negated, as in (14a), and its affirmative counterpart wel indeed which emphatically affirms such a proposition, as in (14b). Unlike nie, wel may be superfluous as truthfulness is the default value of a declarative sentence. In (14c) it is indicated how nie and wel are used contrastively.

    Example 14

    a. Fanie het nie sy huiswerk gedoen nie.
    Fanie have.AUX not his homework do.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    Fanie hasn't done his homework.
    b. Marie het wel haar huiswerk gedoen.
    Marie have.AUX indeed her homework do.PST.PTCP
    Marie has indeed done her homework.
    c. Fanie het nie sy huiswerk gedoen nie, maar Marie hare wel.
    Fanie have.AUX not his homework do.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG but.CNJ Marie hers indeed
    Fanie hasn't done his homework but Marie has done hers.

    The scope test indicates that both nie and wel are clause adverbials:

    Example 15

    a. Dit is nie so dat Fanie sy huiswerk gedoen het nie.
    it is not so that.COMP Fanie his homework do.PST.PTCP have.AUX PTCL.NEG
    It isn't so that Fanie has done his homework.
    b. Dit is wel so dat Marie haar huiswerk gedoen het.
    it is indeed so that.COMP Marie her homework do.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    It is indeed so that Marie did do her homework.

    The adverb nie can also be used in constituent negation, for instance in (16a), where almal everyone is negated. With the alternative order in (16b), both constituent and propositional negation may be intended:

    Example 16

    a. Nie almal het opgedaag nie.
    not all have.AUX up.turn.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    Not everyone turned up.
    Example 17

    Almal het nie opgedaag nie.
    all have.AUX not up.turn.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    No one turned up. / Not everyone turned up.

    In Afrikaans the scope of the negation, which may extend over more than one clause in a complex sentence, is demarcated by the second nie. This is possible in sentences with omdat because as coordinator:

    Example 18

    a. Fanie het nie tuis gebly omdat hy siek was nie.
    Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP because.CNJ he ill was PTCL.NEG
    Fanie didn't stay at home because he was ill.
    b. Fanie het nie tuis gebly nie, omdat hy siek was.
    Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG because.CNJ he ill was
    Fanie didn't stay at home, because he was ill.
    c. Fanie het tuis gebly, maar nie omdat hy siek was nie.
    Fanie have.AUX at.home stay.PST.PTCP but.CNJ not because.CNJ he ill was PTCL.NEG
    Fanie stayed at home, but not because he was ill.

    With want because as coordinator, nie cannot have scope across want:

    Example 19

    a. *Fanie het nie tuis gebly want hy was siek nie.
    Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP because.CNJ he was ill PTCL.NEG
    To mean: Fanie didn't stay at home because he was ill.
    b. Fanie het nie tuis gebly nie want hy was gesond.
    Fanie have.AUX not at.home stay.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG because.CNJ he was well
    Fanie didn't stay at home, because he was well.
    c. Fanie het tuis gebly want hy was nie gesond nie.
    Fanie have.AUX at.home stay.PST.PTCP because.CNJ he was not well PTCL.NEG
    Fanie stayed at home because he wasn't well.
    [+]Focus particles

    Particles such as net just, only, ook only and selfs even can precede clause negation as focus particles. They also satify the clausal scope test, as demonstrated by the examples in (20).

    Example 20

    a. As atleet is Frik net nie goed genoeg nie.
    as athlete is Frik just not good enough PTCL.NEG
    As an athlete Frik just isn't good enough.
    a.' Dit is net so dat Frik nie as atleet vinnig genoeg is nie.
    it is just so that.COMP FRIK not as athlete fast enough is PTCL.NEG
    It is just so that Frik isn't fast enough as an athlete.
    b. Frik speel nie tennis nie en Fransina ook nie.
    Frik play not tennis PTCL.NEG and Fransina also PTCL.NEG
    Frik doesn't play tennis and neither does Fransina.
    b.' Dit is ook so dat Fransina nie tennis speel nie.
    it is also so that.COMP Fransina not tennis play PTCL.NEG
    It is also so that Fransina doesn't play tennis.
    c. Frik kan selfs nie 'n fiets bekostig nie.
    Frik can.AUX.MOD even not a bicycle afford PTCL.NEG
    Frik can't even afford a bicycle.
    c.' Dit is selfs so dat Frik nie 'n fiets kan bekostig nie.
    it is even so that.COMP Frik not a bicycle can.AUX.MOD afford PTCL.NEG
    It is even so that Frik cannot afford a bicycle.

    Some of these adverbials also function as clause adverbials without collocating with the negative:

    Example 21

    a. Frik speel ook tennis.
    Frik play also tennis
    Frik also plays tennis.
    b. Fransina kan selfs 'n motor bekostig.
    Fransina can.AUX.MOD even a car afford.INF
    Fransina can even afford a car.
    [+]Aspectual adverbials

    Aspectual adverbials which can precede sentence negation include habitual adverbials such as gewoonlik usually, frequentative adverbials such as dikwels often, continuative adverbials such as nog (steeds) still and iterative adverbials such as weer again. The fact that they precede sentence negation is an indication that they are clausal rather than VP adverbials. This is also borne out by the scope test, as illustrated by the examples in (22).

    Example 22

    a. Dat Piet gewoonlik nie pendel nie, is waar.
    that.COMP Piet usually not commute PTCL.NEG is true
    That Piet usually doesn't commute is true.
    a.' Dit is gewoonlik so dat Piet nie pendel nie.
    it is usually so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG
    It is usually so that Piet doesn't commute.
    b. Dat Piet dikwels nie pendel nie, is waar.
    that.COMP Piet often not commute PTCL.NEG is true
    That Piet often doesn't commute is true.
    b.' Dit is dikwels so dat Piet nie pendel nie.
    it is often so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG
    It is often so that Piet doesn't commute.
    c. Dat Piet nog nie pendel nie, is waar.
    that.COMP Piet still not commute PTCL.NEG is true
    That Piet still doesn't commute is true.
    c.' Dit is nog so dat Piet nie pendel nie.
    it is still so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG
    It still is so that Piet doesn't commute.
    d. Dat Piet weer nie pendel nie, is waar.
    that.COMP Piet once.again not commute PTCL.NEG is true
    That Piet once again isn't commuting is true.
    d.' Dit is weer so dat Piet nie pendel nie.
    it is once.again so that.COMP Piet not commute PTCL.NEG
    It is once again so that Piet doesn't commute.

    When these adverbials are placed after the negative, they are usually VP adverbials, as shown in (23).

    Example 23

    a. Dat Piet nie gewoonlik pendel nie, is waar.
    that.COMP Piet not usually commute PTCL.NEG is true
    That Piet doesn't usually commute is true.
    b. Piet pendel nie en dit is gewoonlik die geval.
    Piet commute not and this is usually the case
    Piet doesn't commute and this is usually the case.

    Baiekeer very often in (24a) occurs before the first negation and the clause adverbial waarskynlik probably and is therefore a clause adverbial (cf. (24ai)). However, in (24b), where it occurs after the first negation and waarskynlik, the negation functions as a constituent negation (cf. example (16) and baiekeer is a VP adverbial.

    Example 24

    a. Piet pendel waarskynlik nie baiekeer nie.
    Piet commute probably not many.time PTCL.NEG
    Piet probably doesn't commute very often.
    a. Piet pendel baiekeer waarskynlik nie.
    Piet commute many.time probably not
    Piet very often probably doesn't commute.
    a.' Dit is baiekeer so dat Piet waarskynlik nie pendel nie.
    it is very.often so that.COMP Piet probably not commute PTCL.NEG
    It is very often so that Piet probably doesn't commute.
    [+]Clause-degree adverbials

    Adverbials such as byna almost and amper almost, which are synonymous in Afrikaans, indicate the degree to which a proposition is realised:

    Example 25

    a. Jan het byna/amper sy humeur verloor.
    Jan have.AUX almost his temper lose.PST.PTCP
    Jan almost lost his temper.
    b. Dit was byna/amper so dat Jan sy humeur verloor het.
    it was almost so that.COMP Jan his temper lose.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    It was almost so that Jan lost his temper.

    A small set of adverbials are postposed to the negative as downtoners, i.e. to render the negative less absolute, viz. eintlik really, actually, the pair rêrig and regtig really, and juis exactly, particularly, e.g. (26a). As a collocation, nie eintlik not really functions as a clause adverbial, cf. the scope test in (26b).

    Example 26

    a. Jan het nie eintlik sy humeur verloor nie.
    Jan have.AUX not really his temper lose.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    Jan hasn't really lost his temper.
    b. Dit is nie eintlik so dat Jan sy humeur verloor het nie.
    it is not really so that.COMP Jan his temper lose.PST.PTCP have.AUX PTCL.NEG
    It isn't really so that Jan lost his temper.
    [+]Modal verbs and adverbials

    Modality not only plays a part in the VP, but may also express an evaluation of the factuality of the proposition as a whole. A distinction may be made between epistemic modality, which evaluates the degree of factuality of a proposition, and evidential modality, which evaluates the type of factuality of a proposition. Epistemic modality may be verbal or adverbial in nature.

    Verbal modality
    In the following, kan can has a speculative sense, and expresses a low degree of certainty, while deductive moet must and assumptivesal will express higher degrees of certainty.

    Example 27

    a. Mariska kan die prys gewen het.
    Mariska can.AUX.MOD the prize win.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    Mariska could have won the prize.
    b. Bell moet die uitvinder van die telefoon wees.
    Bell must.AUX.MOD the inventor of the telephone be.INF
    Bell must be the inventor of the telephone.
    c. Mariska sal nou voor haar rekenaar sit.
    Mariska will.AUX.MOD now before her computer sit.INF
    Mariska would be sitting in front of her computer now.

    Kan presents the proposition as a possible conclusion, moet presents the proposition as necessarily true, and sal presents the proposition as predictable on the basis of available evidence.

    Evidential judgments are related to the source of the information on which the judgment is based. The modal preterite sou may hint at a rumour, and is therefore evidential in nature:

    Example 28

    Mnr X sou sy vrou verlaat het.
    Mr X will.AUX.MOD.PRT his wife leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    Mr X is rumoured to have left his wife.

    Skyn to seem in (29a) indicates that the truthfulness of the information is restricted to appearances or rumours, while blyk to turn out in (29b) suggests that a source can be identified, i.e. direct evidence.

    Example 29

    a. Mnr X skyn sy vrou te verlaat het.
    Mr X seem.AUX.MOD his wife PTCL.INF leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    Mr X seems to have left his wife.
    b. Mnr Y blyk sy vrou te verlaat het.
    Mr Y appear.AUX.MOD his wife PTCL.INF leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    Mr Y appears to have left his wife.

    Adverbial modality
    Glo to be said to be the case is the evidential adverb par excellence in Afrikaans, indicating that the speaker does not hold him-/herself responsible for the reliability of the information. It passes the test for clausal adverbials, as illustrated by example (30).

    .
    Example 30

    a. Mnr X het glo sy vrou verlaat.
    Mr X have.AUX reputedly his wife leave.PST.PTCP
    Mr X has reputedly left his wife.
    b. Dit is glo so dat mnr X sy vrou verlaat het.
    it is reputedly so that.COMP Mr X his wife leave.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    It is reputedly so that Mr X left his wife.

    The adverbials miskien perhaps, dalk perhaps and moontlik possibly express possibility or probability, and also have clausal reference, as shown by the examples in (31).

    Example 31

    a. Inflasie gaan miskien styg.
    inflation go.AUX.MOD perhaps rise.INF
    Inflation is perhaps going to rise.
    b. Dit is moontlik dat inflasie gaan styg.
    it is possible that.COMP inflation go.AUX.MOD rise.INF
    It is possible that inflation is going to rise.

    A wide range of attitudes is expressed by clausal adverbials such as the following: waarskynlik probably, natuurlik naturally, ongetwyfeld undoubtedly, vermoedelik supposedly, sekerlik certainly, blykbaar apparently, duidelik clearly, kennelik obviously, oënskynlik seemingly and vermoedelik supposedly, as exemplified by the examples in (32).

    Example 32

    a. Jan het vermoedelik belangstelling verloor.
    Jan have.AUX presumably interest lose.PST.PTCP
    Jan has presumably lost interest.
    b. Dit is duidelik dat Jan belangstelling verloor het.
    it is clear that.COMP Jan interest lose.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    It is clear that Jan has lost interest.
    [+]Subject-oriented adverbials

    Subject-oriented adverbials reflect the evaluation of the agent in regard to an action. Thus goedgunstiglik graciously in (33a) expresses the speaker's attitude, while wyslik wisely in (33b) expresses his judgment in regard to an action. The deadjectival adverb mooitjies nice.DIM.PL in (33c), with nominal diminutive and plural inflection attached to an adjectival stem, expresses the speaker's appreciation of the dog's astuteness. These are all causal adverbials, but the phrasal test may require slight adaptation in order to produce a synonymous utterance:

    Example 33

    a. Hannes het goedgunstiglik die uitnodiging van die hand gewys.
    Hannes have.AUX graciously the invitation from the hand show.PST.PTCP
    Jan was kind enough to decline the invitation.
    a.' Dit was vriendelik van Hannes om die uitnodiging van die hand te wys.
    it was friendly of Hannes for.COMP the invitation from the hand PTCL.INF show.INF
    It was a friendly gesture of Hannes to have declined the invitation.
    b. Hannes het wyslik sy aandele betyds verkoop.
    Hannes have.AUX wisely his shares in.time sell.PST.PTCP
    Hannes has wisely sold his shares in time.
    b.' Dit was wys van Hannes om sy aandele betyds te verkoop.
    it was wise of Hannes for.COMP his shares in.time PTCL.INF sell.INF
    It was wise of Hannes to sell his shares in time.
    c. Die hond het mooitjies die yskasdeur oopgemaak.
    the dog have.AUX cleverly the fridge.door open.make.PST.PTCP
    The dog cleverly opened the fridge door.
    c.' Dit was slim van die hond om die yskasdeur oop te maak.
    it was clever of the dog for.COMP the fridge.door open PTCL.INF make.INF
    It was clever of the dog to have opened the fridge door.
    [+]Stance adverbials

    A stance adverbialexpresses an attitude of the speaker towards the entire propositon contained in the clause. These may have epistemic implications for the assessment of the truth of the proposition, or can be a more subjective evaluation of the proposition. A number of these, such as gelukkig fortunately, ongelukkig unfortunately, helaas unfortunately and begryplikerwys understandibly are factive in nature, as in (34a), whereas others, such as hopelik hopefully, are non-factive, as in (34b). In the latter case the speaker does not know whether the proposition is true, but would prefer it to be the case. All of these can be paraphrased as clause adverbials.

    Example 34

    a. Mercia het helaas nie die eksamen geslaag nie.
    Mercia have.AUX unfortunately not the examination pass.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    Unfortunately Mercia didn't pass the exam.
    a.' Dit is helaas so dat Mercia nie die eksamen geslaag het nie.
    it is unfortunately so that.COMP Mercia not the examination pass.PST.PTCP have.AUX.PST PTCL.NEG
    It is unfortunately so that Mercia didn't pass the exam.
    b. Hennie sal hopelik beter vaar.
    Hennie will.AUX.MOD hopefully better fare.INF
    Hennie will hopefully fare better.
    b.' Dit is hopelik so dat Hennie beter sal vaar.
    it is hopefully so that.COMP Hennie better will.AUX.MOD fare.INF
    It is hopefully so that Hennie will fare better.

    Other clausal adverbials which sometimes express even more subtle attitudes towards the proposition, the speaker him-/herself, the addressee or the proposition as such and often do not have English equivalents, are referred to by Ponelis (1979:294-298) as stelligheids- of kleuradjunkteprobability or colour adjuncts, e.g. sommer without further ado, darem after all, nogal rather, mos as you know, of course, kamma, kastig feignedly, hoeka all along, as a case in point, rêrig, regtig really, as exemplified in (35).

    Example 35

    a. 'n Ligjaar dui mos afstand aan.
    a light.year point of.course distance to
    A light year, of course, indicates distance.
    a.' Dit is mos so dat 'n ligjaar afstand aandui.
    it is of.course so that.COMP a light.year distance to.point
    It is of course so that a light year indicates distance.
    b. Hestertjie het darem president geword.
    Hestertjie have.AUX after.all president become.PST.PTCP
    Hestertjie became president after all.
    b.' Dit is darem so dat Hestertjie president geword het.
    it is after.all so that.COMP Hestertjie president become.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    It is after all so that Hestertjie became president.
    [+]Point-of-view adverbials

    Some adverbials, such as beslis certainly, , sekerlik certainly and definitief definitely, make it clear that the speaker considers the proposition to be true; others, which may include the speaker, point towards the evaluator or source of the information, e.g. myns insiens to my mind and volgens Petrus according to Petrus, e.g.

    Example 36

    a. Die brandstofprys gaan definitief Woensdag styg.
    the fuel.price go.AUX.MOD definitely Wednesday rise.INF
    The fuel price is definitely going to rise on Wednesday.
    a.' Dit is definitief so dat die brandstofprys Woensdag gaan styg.
    it is definitely so that.COMP the fuel.price Wednesday go.AUX.MOD rise.INF
    It is definitely so that the fuel price is going to rise on Wednesday.
    b. Maar volgens Petrus gaan dit eerder daal.
    but.CNJ according.to Petrus go.AUX.MOD it rather drop.INF
    But according to Petrus it is going to drop rather.
    b.' Maar volgens Petrus is dit so dat dit gaan daal.
    but.CNJ according.to Petrus is it so that.COMP it go.AUX.MOD drop
    But according to Petrus it is so that it is going to drop.
    [+]Spatio-temporal adverbials

    Spatio-temporal adverbials are not only used as VP adverbials but also as clause adverbials. As VP adverbials they would follow an epistemic adverbial such as hopelik hopefully, while as clause adverbials they should be able to precedehopelik.. This is demonstrated in (37a) for a temporal adverbial, and in (37b) for a locational one.

    Example 37

    a. Johan sal môre hopelik meer geluk hê.
    Johan will.AUX.MOD tomorrow hopefully more luck have.INF
    John will hopefully have more luck tomorrow.
    b. Marie sal tuis hopelik beter kan ontspan.
    Marie will.AUX.MOD. at.home hopefully better can.AUX.MOD relax.INF
    Marie will hopefully be able to relax better at home.
    [+]Contingency adverbials

    Adverbials indicating cause, such as deur die droogte because of the drought, and reason, such as vanweë die vakansie on account of, as a result of, not only serve as VP adverbials but may also be used as clause adverbials. Cause and reason are prone to overlap, since reason has cause in its semantic scope. An adverbial is likely to be a clausal rather than a VP adverbial if it precedes another clausal adverbial, such as moontlik possibly, as illustrated by the examples in (38).

    Example 38

    a. Damvlakke het deur die droogte moontlik gedaal.
    dam.levels have.AUX through the drought possibly go.down.PST.PTCP
    Dam levels have possibly dropped because of the drought.
    a.' Dit is deur die droogte so dat damvlakke moontlik gedaal het.
    it is through the drought so that.COMP dam.levels possibly go.down.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    It is so, because of the drought, that dam levels have possibly dropped.
    b. Winkels is vanweë die vakansie moontlik gesluit.
    shops be.PRS on.account.of the vacation possibly closed.ADJ
    Shops are possibly closed on account of the vacation.
    b.' Dit is vanweë die vakansie so dat winkels moontlik gesluit is.
    it is on.account.of the vacation so that.COMP the shops possibly closed.ADJ be.PRS
    On account of the vacation it is so that shops are possibly closed.

    In example (39), concessional adverbial precedes beslis definitely, which is in turn another clausal adverbial:

    Example 39

    a. Ons help u in noodgevalle beslis.
    we help you in emergencies definitely
    We will definitely help you in case of emergency.
    b. Dit is in noodgevalle so dat ons u beslis help.
    it is in emergencies so that.COMP we you definitely help
    In emergencies it is so that we will definitely help you.

    Conditional clauses are also clausal, e.g.

    Example 40

    a. As die kat weg is, is die muis beslis baas.
    when.CNJ the cat away is is the mouse definitely master
    When the cat's away the mice will play.
    b. Dit is as die kat weg is so dat die muis baas is.
    it is when the cat away is so that.COMP the mouse master is
    When the cat is away, it is so that the mice will play.
    [+]Domain adverbials

    A domain adverbial, such as polities politically, can also be used as a clausal adverbial, as illustrated in (41).

    Example 41

    a. Die opposisie is polities beslis op die regte spoor.
    the opposition is definitely on the right track
    Politically, the opposition is definitely on the right track.
    b. Dit is wat hulle politiek betref so dat die opposisie beslis op die regte spoor is.
    it is what their politics concern so that.COMP the opposition definitely on the right track is
    As far as their politics is concerned, it is so that the opposition is definitely on the right track.
    [+]Conjunctive adverbials

    Conjunctive adverbial phrases are clausal constituents which are comparable in function to conjunctions. They may have a linking function, or indicate contrast or other relations between clauses. Functions that may be distinguished are linking, as in (42a), contrast, as in (42b), and contingency, as in (42c).

    Example 42

    a. Bertie is 'n goeie bokser, en tewens 'n danser.
    Bertie is a good boxer and also a dancer
    Bertie is a good boxer, but also a dancer.
    a.' Dit is tewens so dat Bertie 'n danser is.
    it is also so that.COMP Bertie a dancer is
    It is also so that Bertie is a dancer.
    b. Jan hardloop kaalvoet, maar is desondanks 'n goeie atleet.
    Jan run bare.foot but.CNJ is nevertheless a good athlete
    Jan runs barefooted but is nevertheless a good athlete.
    b.' Dit is desondanks so dat Jan 'n goeie atleet is.
    it is nevertheless so that.COMP Jan a good athlete is
    It is nevertheless so that Jan is a good athlete.
    c. Chris weet wat om te doen; hy is immers die hoof van die skool.
    Chris know what for.COMP PTCL.INF do.INF he is after.all the head of the skool
    Chris knows what to do; he is after all the principal of the school.
    c.' Dit is immers so dat Chris die hoof van die skool is.
    it is after.all so that.COMP Chris the head of the school is
    It is after all so that Chris is the principal of the school.
    [+]Speech-act related adverbials

    By means of certain adverbials, which may consist of a clause, phrase or single adverb, a speaker provides a guideline for the interpretation of his/her utterance, e.g. om die waarheid te sê to tell the truth, kort en saaklik in a nutshell and eerlikwaar honestly. As these are often only loosely integrated with the clause, the scope test is relatively superfluous.

    Example 43

    a. Die skole het om die waarheid te sê reeds gesluit.
    the schools have.AUX for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF already close.PST.PTCP
    To tell the truth, the schools have already closed.
    b. Jy sal, kort en saaklik, die rekening moet betaal.
    you will.AUX.MOD short and factually the bill must.AUX.MOD pay.INF
    You will, in a nutshell, have to pay the bill.
    c. Ek het dit eerlikwaar nie so bedoel nie.
    I have.AUX it honestly not so mean.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
    I honestly didn't mean it that way.
    References:
    • Ponelis, F.A1979Afrikaanse sintaksis.Van Schaik
    ABOUT THIS TOPIC
    Author(s):
    Jac Conradie
    Category:
    Afrikaans Syntax
    Publication date:
    14 May 2020
    Keywords:
    aspectual adverbialclause adverbialclause-degree adverbialcollocationconjunctive adverbialcontingency adverbialdomain adverbialdowntonerepistemic modalevidential adverbfocus adverbialiterativemodal adverbmodal verbpoint-of-view adverbialpolarity adverbialspatio-temporal adverbialspeech-act related adverbialstance adverbialsubject-oriented adverbialtemporal adverbialVP adverbial
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