- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
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- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
Combinations of adjective and noun come in two shapes. One is the classical compounding type, which can be supposed to have been formed in the lexicon. An important feature of this type is the stress on the first member of the compound. Endocentric AN compounds are less productive than endocentric NN and VN compounds, however. They are limited to formations in which the adjective refers to a really salient property or contrastive function, for example in LEECHlân lowland (leech low + lân land) (in contrast to other land at a higher level). Quite a number of formations are somewhat idiomatic.
In principle, the compounding also allows for an exocentric interpretation. Endocentric AN compounds are not very common. The opposite applies to exocentric AN compounds, as most exocentric compounds in Frisian are formed according to this AN pattern. Many of them are animal names or affective denotations for persons. An example is KOARTsturt bobtail formed out of koart short and sturt tail.
Besides AN compounds, we see many AN univerbations in Frisian. These stem from fixed syntactic collocations of an adjective and a noun. In contrast to AN compounds, AN univerbations have stress on the second constituent. An example is GoedFREED Good Friday, formed on the basis of goed good and freed Friday. AN univerbations can have a bare adjective as their first constituent as well as an inflected adjective.
Endocentric AN compounds are less productive than endocentric NN and VN compounds. The most likely reason is that a sequence of an adjective and a noun can also be realized syntactically, for example ik ha gjin lyts jild small money [(NP)[(A)lyts][(N)jild]] I do not have small change instead of ik ha gjin lytsjild small-money [[lyts](A)[jild](N)](N). Endocentric AN compounds are thus limited to formations in which the adjective has a contrastive function. For example leechlân lowland is in contrast to heechlân highland. The contrast is often a salient property: the opposite is often not expressed explicitly. So, next to klienkeunst small-art cabaret there is only keunst art, which has the connotation that it refers to "recognized" art in general. There is no item *grutkeunst large-art.
Endocentric AN compounds have main stress on their first constituent, i.e. lytsjild small change. Examples of endocentric AN compounds are listed below:
First constituent (A) | Second constituent (N) | Compound (AN) |
swiet sweet | rook smell | swietrook incense |
lyts small | jild money | lytsjild small change |
weak soft | dier animal | weakdier mollusc |
mear more | tal number | meartal plural |
eal noble | man man | ealman nobleman |
blau blue | gers grass | blaugers bluegrass |
fris fresh | drinken drink | frisdrinken soft drink |
kant-en-klear ready-made | miel meal | kant-en-klearmiel ready-made meal |
brún brown | fisk fish | brúnfisk porpoise |
sâlt salt | soer pickles | sâltsoer sweet pickles |
soer sour | koal cabbage | soerkoal sauerkraut |
kâld cold | fjoer fire | kâldfjoer gangrene |
There can be various relations between the meaning of the first and the second constituent of an AN compound. In the examples above, the first constituent mentions a feature of the second constituent. But sometimes the adjective is semantically not a predication of the noun. For example, in a neakenfoto nude photograph is not the photograph that is naked but a photograph depicting a naked person. And hjitbarst heat-burst is not a hot burst, but a crack in the glazing of pottery, because it has been heated too much. More examples are waarmpûst warm-pimple pimple caused by warm weather and kâldpûkels cold-pimples goose pimples.
Although exocentric NN and VN compounds are not impossible, most compounds with an exocentric interpretation are formed by the combination of an adjective and a noun. Many exocentric AN compounds are animal names or affective denotations for persons. The second constituent is often an inalienable entity, which means that it does not exist independently from the possessor. Examples are listed below:
First constituent (A) | Second constituent (N) | Compound (AN) |
lang long | skonk leg | langskonk longlegs |
grou fat | kont bottom | groukont somebody with a fat bottom |
glêd shiny | knoop button | glêdknoop police officer |
koart short | sturt tail | koartsturt bobtail |
Proper names like Readkaperke red-cap-DIM Little Red Riding Hood and Rûchburd rough-beard freezing weather may also be interpreted as exocentric AN compounds.
It is striking that exocentric AN compounds always have common gender (i.e. take the definite article de), even if the second constituent is neuter (article it). Hence, these compounds are in conflict with the right-hand head rule: not the second constituent, but the external, semantic head determines the gender, in line with the animacy hierarchy. This is shown in the table below:
First constituent (A) | Second constituent (N, it-word) | Compound (AN, de-word) |
lang long | it ear the ear | de langear the long-ears |
heal half | it bloed the blood | de healbloed the half-breed |
bleek pale | it gesicht the face | de bleekgesicht the paleface |
brún brown | it himd the shirt | de brúnhimd the brownshirt |
wyt white | it gat the butt | de wytgat green sandpiper |
Exocentric AN compound nouns not only occur independently, but they can also be found in the modifying position of wider compound. Two examples are listed below:
First constituent (AN compound) | Second constituent (N) | Compound |
langskonk (lang long + skonk leg) | mich mosquito | langskonkmich daddy longlegs |
rûchpoat (rûch rough + poat paw) | mûzefalk buzzard (mûs mouse + falk falcon) | rûchpoatmûzefalk rough-legged buzzard |
In some pejorative denotations for persons the second constituent seems to act as a suffix-like element, as it hast lost its literal meaning. The following cases might be relevant:
First constituent (A) | Second constituent (N) | Compound (AN) |
lef cowardly | bek snout | lefbek coward |
dom stupid | kop head | domkop blockhead |
mâl silly | broek trousers | mâlbroek joker |
Exocentric AN compounds also have main stress on their first constituent.
Next to the endocentric and exocentric AN compounds discussed above, one may encounter many AN univerbations in Frisian. These have a syntactic source, in that a frequent adjacent co-occurrence in discourse of an adjective and a noun resulted in a merger to wordhood. A trace of the phrasal origin can be found in the stress pattern. In a phrasal combination of an adjective and a noun it is the noun that bears the main stress, for example in in blauwe mich a blue-INFL fly a blue fly. In the univerbation blaumich the stress is still on the noun, that is, on the right constituent. This is strikingly different with the genuine AN compounds, which have stress on the first (adjectival) constituent. Compare in this respect the univerbation blaumich with the compound BLAUgers bluegrass.
Another difference from AN compounds is in the semantics. The semantic relations of the noun and the adjective may, as we have seen above, be diverse. In univerbations, however, the first constituent is always a predication of the second. So an âldman old man is indeed a man who is old.
The adjective âld old may figure in AN-compounds, as can be seen in some examples below, but it may also act as a prefix (or more exactly a prefixoid). In that case it belongs to derivation rather then composition. It is then written with a hyphen, and also its semantics differs. So, the compound âldboer old-farmer refers to an elderly farmer, but the derivation âld-boer old-farmer describes a person that has been a farmer before but now no longer is. There is a difference in stress pattern as well. Both formations have main stress on the second member. However, the derivation has a much stronger secondary stress on the element âld-.
The item âld in compounds often has an affective function, referring to something or someone which is well-known and familiar. So, an âldstoel old-chair is not necessarily a chair that is old, but rather a chair in or on which one usually sits.
Usually, the first constituent of a AN univerbation is a bare adjective, as in the following examples:
First constituent (A) | Second constituent (N) | Univerbation (AN) |
âld old | rôt rat | âldrôt slyboots |
âld old | feint young man | âldfeint old bachelor |
blau blue | modder mud | blaumodder blue mud |
frij free | man man | frijman unattached man |
goed good | freed Friday | Goedfreed Good Friday |
goed good | kunde acquintance | goekunde somebody well-acquainted (with final d-deletion) |
swier heavy | waar weather | swierwaar heavy weather |
kwea evil | geast spirit | kweageast evil spirit |
jong young | kat cat | jongkat young cat |
plat flat | dak roof | platdak flat roof |
read red | hûn dog | reahûn German measles (with final d-deletion) |
grut big | dyk way | grutdyk major road |
There are also occurrences of AN univerbations with an adjectively used participle, for instance makkeklean ready to wear clothes (where makke is the past participle of meitsje to make) or troudman married man (with troud as the past participle of trouwe to marry).
We also see cases in which the adjective is inflected:
First constituent (A - inflected) | Second constituent (N) | Univerbation (AN) |
frije (frij free) | tiid time | frijetiid leisure time |
bange (bang frightened) | skiter arse | bangeskiter funk |
grutte (grut big) | lju folks | gruttelju notables |
Their special semantics strengthens the view to consider these combinations as words.
Another adjectival inflectional category that is available as first constituent is the comparative degree, although the number of cases is restricted. Here are a few instances:
First constituent (A - comparative degree) | Second constituent (N) | Univerbation (AN) |
heger higher (< heech high) | ein end | hegerein upper-class |
âlder older (< âld old) | ein end | âlderein elderly |
krapper tighter (< krap tight | ein end | krapperein (only idiomatic in oan 'e krapperein komme to have barely enough) |
leger lower (< leech low) | wâl shore | legerwâl lee shore |
Furthermore, the adjective may also be derived, as is shown by examples like learenlape leather-SUFF piece of leather (with learen derived from the material noun lear leather by way of the suffix -en) or joustermerke fair of Joure, which contains a geographical adjective derived by the suffix -ster from the place name De Jouwer (Dutch:) Joure.
Many Frisian place names and water names are AN univerbations. The first constituent can be a bare adjective or a derived or inflected adjective. Some examples are listed below.
First constituent (A) | Second constituent (N) | Place/water name |
âld old | wâld forest | Aldwâld |
âld old | gea district | Aldegea |
smel narrow | brêge bridge | Smelbrêge |
wiid wide | ie stream | Wiidie |
nij new | syl canal | Nijesyl |
Burgumer from Burgum | mar lake | Burgumermar |
As these place names show regular main stress on the second member, the name of the village Aldegea is the exception. Possibly, the stress shifted to the first member to mark a contrast with the also existing village Nijgea new-district, again with main stress on the first member.
AN univerbations can act as a constituent for a compound, comparable to univerbations of a numeral plus a noun. Some examples are given below:
First constituent (AN univerbation) | Second constituent (N) | Compound |
iepenloft open air (iepen open + lucht air) | spul theatre | iepenloftspul open-air theatre |
waarmwetter warm water (waarm warm + wetter water) | kraan tap | waarmwetterkraan hot tap |
earmelju poor people (earm poor + lju folk) | iten food | earmeljusiten poor people's food |
blineterm blind gut (blyn blind + term gut) | ûntstekking ignition | blinetermûntstekking appendicitis |
As has been stated, AN univerbations most likely stem from fixed collocations between adjectives and nouns, which gained a special meaning over time and were therefore taken for a unit. This, however, is not a necessary development, as there are also many examples of fixed collocations which remain phrasal. Examples are reade koal red cabbage and sâlte hjerring salted herring, both expressions with an inflected adjective. Yet, it must be conceded that the boundaries between univerbation and fixed collocation are not always clear. For example when it comes to diminutives: is it in read koaltsje a small red cabbage, which would point at a phrasal status, or in readekoaltsje (a univerbation with retention of adjectival inflection). Speakers' intuitions may also vary with respect to pluralization. For example, for the univerbation platdak flat roof some may adopt the regular plural platdakken, while others nevertheless might prefer the phrasal solution platte dakken flat-INFL roofs, in which the adjective receives an inflectional ending.
The somewhat unclear status of some AN univerbations has also repercussions for the analysis of the nominal compounds above in which the AN combination acts as modifier. That is, some instances of such compounds might also be seen as representatives of phrase-based compounds.
The sections on endocentric and exocentric AN compounds are based on Hoekstra (1998:46-47). The section on AN univerbations is based on Hoekstra (1998:55-56). For the latter type, see also Tamminga (1984) for additional data.
Hoekstra (2000:122-124) suggests that the relatively important role for AN univerbations in Frisian, for instance if compared to Dutch, might be attributed to the fact that the strong declension persisted up to the 19th century in Frisian (as documented by Boersma (1981)). This left the adjective without an inflectional ending, which could have made merging with the noun easier. In addition, Hoekstra points at possible influence from Low German.
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