- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
Bare infinitives can be used as heads of both bare infinitival clauses and bare-inf nominalizations. Consequently, it is normally not possible to tell immediately whether constructions in which a main verb is combined with a bare infinitival involve nominal or clausal complementation. This is illustrated in the examples in (601) with the verb leren'to learn/teach'; since the primeless examples show that this verb may take a nominal complement, scheikunde'chemistry', it is an open question as to whether the bare infinitive zwemmen'swim' in the primed examples is nominal or verbal in nature; we indicated this by marking the infinitive with a question mark. In what follows, we will argue that the primed examples in (601) are in fact ambiguous, as is also suggested by the translations, and in doing so we will develop a number of tests that can be used to distinguish the two readings.
a. | Jan leert | scheikunde. | |
Jan learns | chemistry | ||
'Jan is learning chemistry.' |
a'. | Jan leert | zwemmen?. | |
Jan learns | swim | ||
'Jan is learning swimming/to swim.' |
b. | Els leert | Jan scheikunde. | |
Els teaches | Jan chemistry | ||
'Els is teaching Jan chemistry.' |
b'. | Els leert | Jan zwemmen?. | |
Els teaches | Jan swim | ||
'Els is teaching Jan swimming/to swim.' |
- I. The bare infinitive is (not) part of the verb sequence
- II. The bare infinitive follows/precedes the governing verb
- III. The bare infinitive triggers/does not trigger the IPP-effect
- IV. The bare infinitive allows/does not allow focus movement
- V. The bare infinitive can follow sentence negation/be preceded by geen'no'
- VI. Conclusion
If the primed examples in (601) are really ambiguous between a nominal and a verbal reading of the bare infinitive zwemmen, we expect this to come out in the word order of the clause. Since constructions with bare infinitival complement clauses exhibit monoclausal behavior, we expect verb clustering: the verb leren may precede the bare infinitive in embedded clauses and separate it from its dependents (arguments and modifiers). The fact that the verb leren can indeed split the strings goed zwemmen'swim well' and computers repareren'repair computers' in (602) thus shows that we are dealing with clausal infinitival complements in these examples, which is indicated by marking the bare infinitive with the label "V".
a. | dat | Jan goed | leert | zwemmenV. | |
that | Jan well | learns | swim | ||
'that Jan is learning to swim well.' |
a'. | dat | Marie Jan goed | leert | zwemmenV. | |
that | Marie Jan well | teaches | swim | ||
'that Marie is teaching Jan to swim well.' |
b. | dat | Jan computers | leert | reparerenV. | |
that | Jan computers | learns | repair | ||
'that Jan is learning to repair computers.' |
b'. | dat | Els Jan computers | leert | reparerenV. | |
that | Els Jan computers | teaches | repair | ||
'that Els is teaching Jan to repair computers.' |
The verbal status of the bare infinitives in the examples from the previous subsection also appears from the word order of the clause-final verbal sequence. Because noun phrases cannot follow the verbs in clause-final position, the fact that the bare infinitive follows the clause-final finite verb leren in (602) is already sufficient for concluding that we are not dealing with bare-inf nominalizations but with bare infinitival complement clauses. This word order generalization is especially useful when the verb has no dependent, as in the cases in (603); the bare infinitives following the clause-final finite verb leren must be verbal.
a. | dat | Jan | <zwemmen?> | leert <zwemmenV>. | |
that | Jan | swim | learns |
b. | dat | Marie Jan | <zwemmen?> | leert <zwemmenV>. | |
that | Marie Jan | swim | teaches |
Since bare-inf nominalizations must precede their governing verb in clause-final position, it seems reasonable to assume that the bare infinitives preceding leren are nominal. Nevertheless, we marked them with a question mark because although clause-final verb clusters of the form Vfinite - Vinfinitive normally surface with the finite verb preceding the infinitive, most speakers also allow the inverse order under certain conditions (we will discuss an unambiguous case of this in Section 7.3, sub IC).
Although in the case of clause-final verb clusters consisting of no more than two verbs precedence of the bare infinitive is only a necessary and not a sufficient condition for concluding that we are dealing with bare-inf nominalization, the word order of clause-final verbal sequences can still be used as a diagnostic with verb clusters consisting of more than two verbs, because in such cases most speakers of Standard Dutch do require verbal bare infinitives to follow their governing verb. The fact that the bare infinitive zwemmen may precede the verb leren in examples such as (604) thus shows that bare infinitivals can indeed be bare-inf nominalizations in the complement of leren, as is indicated by the index N on the preverbal occurrence of zwemmen.
a. | dat | Jan | <zwemmenN> | wil | leren <zwemmenV>. | |
that | Jan | swim | wants | learn |
b. | dat | Marie Jan | <zwemmenN> | wil | leren <zwemmenV>. | |
that | Marie Jan | swim | wants | teach |
The structural ambiguity of the bare infinitives in the primed examples of (601) is also clear from the contrast with respect to the IPP-effect in the perfect-tense examples in (605): if leren takes a bare infinitival clausal complement, we expect the IPP-effect to arise, but not if it takes a bare-inf nominalization. The primeless examples show that when the bare infinitive zwemmen follows leren, IPP does indeed arise, and we can therefore conclude that the infinitive is verbal in this case. The primed examples, on the other hand, show that when the bare infinitive zwemmen precedes leren, IPP cannot arise, and we therefore conclude that it is nominal in this case.
a. | dat | Jan heeft | willen | leren/*geleerd | zwemmenV. | |
that | Jan has | want | learn/learned | swim | ||
'that Jan has wanted to learn to swim.' |
a'. | dat | Jan zwemmenN | heeft | geleerd/*leren. | |
that | Jan swim | has | learned/learn | ||
'that Jan has learned swimming.' |
b. | dat | Marie Jan heeft | leren/*geleerd | zwemmenV. | |
that | Marie Jan has | teach/taught | swim | ||
'that Marie has taught Jan to swim.' |
b'. | dat | Marie Jan zwemmenN | geleerd/*leren | heeft. | |
that | Marie Jan swim | taught/teach | has | ||
'that Marie has taught Jan swimming.' |
In the examples in (605) the difference with respect to the IPP-effect was illustrated by means of the intransitive verb zwemmen'to swim'. The same difference occurs, however, with transitive verbs with a bare nominal object like auto rijden'to drive (a car)'. The (a)-example in (606) shows that the infinitive may either precede or follow its governing verb, while the (b)-examples bear out that this affects the occurrence of IPP.
a. | dat | Jan auto | <rijdenN> | wil | leren <rijdenV>. | |
that | Jan car | drive | want | learn | ||
'that Jan wants to learn driving/to drive a car.' |
b. | dat | Jan auto | heeft | leren/*geleerd | rijdenV. | |
that | Jan car | has | learn/learned | drive | ||
'that Jan has learned to drive a car.' |
b'. | dat | Jan auto | rijdenN | heeft | geleerd/*leren. | |
that | Jan car | drive | has | learned/learn | ||
'that Jan has learned driving.' |
Examples such as (606b') are especially felicitous with bare-inf nominalizations if the object-noun combinations are fixed collocations referring to some conventional activity: aardappels schillen'to peel potatoes', paard rijden'to ride on horseback', piano spelen'to play the piano', etc. Less conventional combinations like computers repareren'to repair computers' in (607) seem acceptable in bare-inf nominalizations, although some speakers may find them somewhat marked.
a. | dat | Jan computers | < ?reparerenN> | wil | leren <reparerenV>. | |
that | Jan computers | repair | want | learn | ||
'that Jan wants to learn repairing/to repair computers.' |
b. | dat | Jan computers | heeft | leren/*geleerd | reparerenV. | |
that | Jan computers | has | learn/learned | repair | ||
'that Jan has learned to repair computers.' |
b'. | dat | Jan computers reparerenN | heeft | ?geleerd/*leren. | |
that | Jan computers repair | has | learned/learn | ||
'that Jan has learned repairing computers.' |
That infinitives preceding a clause-final verbal sequence of two (or more) verbs are nominal is also clear from the fact that they do not have to be adjacent to the clause-final verbal sequence; the examples in (608) show that like other nominal objects they may scramble to a more leftward position. Observe that examples like these require the infinitive to be assigned contrastive accent, and that even then the (b)-example may be considered somewhat marked by some speakers.
a. | dat | Jan zwemmen | waarschijnlijk | wel | nooit | zal | leren. | |
that | Jan swim | probably | prt | never | will | learn | ||
'that Jan will probably never learn swimming.' |
b. | (?) | dat | Marie | Jan zwemmen | waarschijnlijk | wel | nooit | zal | leren. |
that | Marie | Jan swim | probably | prt | never | will | teach | ||
'that Marie will probably never teach Jan swimming.' |
Example (609a) shows the same thing by means of verbs with a bare nominal object like auto rijden'to drive'. The (b)-examples are added to show that the nominal complement of the bare infinitive can be scrambled on its own by focus movement if the infinitive heads a bare infinitival clause, but that this is impossible if it heads a noun phrase. This is consistent with the fact that the nominal complements are never extracted from bare-inf nominalizations.
a. | dat | Jan auto | rijdenN | waarschijnlijk | wel | nooit | zal | leren. | |
that | Jan car | drive | probably | prt | never | will | learn | ||
'that Jan will probably never learn driving.' |
b. | dat | Jan auto | waarschijnlijk | wel | nooit | zal | leren | rijdenV. | |
that | Jan car | probably | prt | never | will | learn | drive | ||
'that Jan will probably never learn to drive.' |
b'. | * | dat | Jan auto | waarschijnlijk | wel | nooit | rijdenN | zal | leren. |
that | Jan car | probably | prt | never | drive | will | learn | ||
'that Jan will probably never learn driving.' |
That less conventional combinations like computers repareren'to repair computers' are acceptable but marked in bare-inf nominalizations is also clear from the fact that focus movement in ?dat Jan computers repareren waarschijnlijk wel nooit zal leren'that Jan will probably never learn to repair computers' may be considered degraded by some speakers.
A final argument for assuming that bare infinitives preceding clause-final verbal sequences of two or more verbs are nominal is that they cannot follow sentential negation expressed by the negative adverb niet'not'; as in the case of other indefinite noun phrases, negation must be expressed by means of the negative article geen'no'. The contrast between the primeless and primed examples in (610) thus confirms that infinitives preceding a clause-final verbal sequence of two (or more) verbs are nominal in nature.
a. | dat | zijn dochter | door geldgebrek | niet | kan | leren | zwemmenV. | |
that | his daughter | by lack.of.money | not | can | learn | swim | ||
'that his daughter canʼt learn to swim because of lack of money.' |
a'. | dat | zijn dochter | door geldgebrek | geen/*niet | zwemmenN | kan | leren. | |
that | his daughter | by lack.of.money | no/not | swim | can | learn | ||
'that his daughter canʼt learn swimming because of lack of money.' |
b. | dat | hij | zijn dochter | door geldgebrek | niet | kan | leren | zwemmenV. | |
that | he | his daughter | by lack.of.money | not | can | teach | swim | ||
'that he canʼt teach his daughter to swim because of lack of money.' |
b'. | dat | hij | zijn·dochter | door geldgebrek | geen/*niet | zwemmenN | kan | leren. | |
that | he | his daughter | by lack.of.money | no/not | swim | can | learn | ||
'that he canʼt teach his daughter swimming because of lack of money.' |
The examples in (611) illustrate the same contrast by means of perfect-tense constructions.
a. | dat | zijn dochter | door geldgebrek | niet | heeft | leren | zwemmenV. | |
that | his daughter | by lack.of.money | not | has | learn | swim | ||
'that his daughter hasnʼt learned to swim because of lack of money.' |
a'. | dat | zijn dochter | door geldgebrek | geen/*niet | zwemmenN | heeft | geleerd. | |
that | his daughter | by lack.of.money | no/not | swim | has | learned | ||
'that his daughter hasnʼt learned swimming because of lack of money.' |
b. | dat | hij zijn dochter | door geldgebrek | niet | heeft | leren | zwemmenV. | |
that | he his daughter | by lack.of.money | not | has | teach | swim | ||
'that he hasnʼt taught his daughter to swim because of lack of money.' |
b'. | dat | hij zijn dochter | door geldgebrek | geen/*niet | zwemmenN | heeft geleerd. | |
that | he his daughter | by lack.of.money | no/not | swim | has taught | ||
'that he hasnʼt taught his daughter swimming because of lack of money.' |
The negation facts are less telling with transitive constructions such as auto rijden'to drive' since the indefinite object auto in the verbal construction cannot follow the negative adverb niet'not' either, and can likewise be preceded by the negative article geen'no'. So, at face value, the two perfect-tense constructions in (612) seem to behave in an identical fashion in this case. We should keep in mind, however, that the article geen is the determiner of the noun phrase geen auto in (612a) but of the bare-inf nominalization geen auto rijden in (612b).
a. | dat | Jan | geen/*niet | auto | heeft | leren | rijdenV. | |
that | Jan | no/not | car | has | learn | drive | ||
'that Jan hasnʼt learned to drive a car.' |
b. | dat | Jan | geen/*niet | auto | rijdenN | heeft | geleerd. | |
that | Jan | no/not | car | drive | has | learned | ||
'that Jan hasnʼt learned driving a car.' |
The discussion so far has established six differences between constructions with a bare infinitival clausal complement and a nominal complement in the form of a bare-inf nominalization. These were already announced in Table (599), which is therefore simply repeated here as (613).
infinitival clause | nominalization | ||
I | is part of the verbal complex | + | — |
II | precedes/follows the governing verb | normally follows | precedes |
III | triggers IPP-effect | + | — |
IV | allows focus movement | — | + |
V | may follow negative adverb niet'not' | + | — |
VI | can be preceded by the article geen'no' | — | + |
The findings in Table (613) are important because they may help us in determining whether a given bare infinitive does or does not belong to the verbal complex. The discussion in this section suggests at least that bare infinitives preceding their governing verb are nominalizations if the bare infinitive is part of a verbal complex of two or more verbs. If correct, this will simplify the description of the word order of the verbal complex considerably; we will return to this in Chapter 7.