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3.1.2.Modification by an intensifier

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Three different types of intensifiers can be distinguished: amplifiers like zeer'very', which scale upwards from some tacitly assumed standard value or norm, downtoners like vrij'rather', which scale downwards from some tacitly assumed standard value or norm, and neutral intensifiers like min of meer'more or less', which are neutral in this respect.

Amplifiers scale upwards from a tacitly assumed standard value/norm

Downtoners scale downwards from a tacitly assumed standard value/norm

Neutral intensifiers are neutral with regard to the tacitly assumed standard value/norm.

The implied norm can be represented as an interval of the range indicated by the two scalar adjectives, as in (7). The downtoners refer to a certain point or interval on the implied between the neutral zone and the norm, whereas the amplifiers refer to a point/interval at the opposite site of the norm. The neutral intensifiers indicate a point/interval in or in the vicinity of the norm.

The semantic effect of the use of a downtoner can be expressed by making use of the semantic representations introduced in 3.1.1. First, let us assume that of two degrees d1 and d2, d1 is lower than d2 (d1 < d2), if d1 is closer to the neutral zone than d2. And, further, let us refer to the implied norm by means of dn. Now, consider the examples in (8), along with their semantic representations in the primed examples.

a.		Jan is zeer goed.	amplifier
		Jan is very good

a'.

∃d [ GOED (Jan,d) & d > dn]

b.		Jan is vrij goed.	downtoner
		Jan is rather good

b'.

∃d [ GOED (Jan,d) & d < dn]

c.		Jan is min of meer goed.	neutral
		Jan is more or less good

c'.

∃d [ GOED (Jan,d) & d ≈ dn]

The semantic effect of the amplifier zeer'very' can then be described by means of the semantic representation in (8a'). This representation is similar to the semantic representation in (5a) with the addition of the part that expresses that the degree to which Jan is good exceeds the implied norm (d > dn). The semantic effect of the downtoner is expressed in the semantic representation in (8b') by the addition of the part that expresses that the degree to which Jan is good is lower than the implied norm (d < dn). The effect of the neutral intensifier, finally, is expressed by the addition of the part that states that the degree to which Jan is good is approximately equal to the norm (d ≈ dn).
Intensifiers can be of several categories: they can be APs, NPs or PPs. Their categorial status may be clear from their internal structure, their morphological behavior, or from the fact that the same forms can be used in positions that are typical of APs, NPs, or PPs. The intensifier ernstig'seriously' in (9a), for example, is an adjective, which is clear from the following two facts: it can be modified by means of the adverbial intensifiers zeer'very' and vrij'rather', which are never used to modify a noun (cf. the examples in (9a) and (9b)), and it may undergo comparative formation, as in (9a'). Given the presence of the indefinite determiner een'a' and the possibility of adding an attributive adjective such as klein'little', the intensifier een beetje'a bit' in (9b) clearly has the internal makeup of a noun phrase. The presence of the preposition in in example (9c) clearly indicates that the intensifier in hoge mate'to a high degree' is a PP.

a.		Jan is	(zeer/vrij)	ernstig	ziek.
		Jan is	very/rather	seriously	ill

a'.		Jan is ernstiger	ziek	dan Peter.
		Jan is more seriously	ill	than Peter

b.		Jan is een	(klein/zeer/vrij)	beetje	ziek.
		Jan is a	little/very/rather	bit	ill

c.	Jan is in hoge mate	ziek.
	Jan is to high degree	ill
	'Jan is ill to a high degree.'

Many intensifiers cannot easily be classified as belonging to one of the three categories AP, NP, or PP, because the possibilities for modifying them are themselves limited, and their morphological behavior and their internal makeup provide few clues. Following tradition, we call these intensifiers adverbs, although it may be the case that we are in fact dealing with regular adjectives; cf. Chapter 8.
The remainder of this section is organized as follows. We will start the discussion on intensification with the amplifiers (Subsection I), downtoners (Subsection II), and neutral intensifiers (Subsection III). This is followed by a discussion of the interrogative intensifier hoe'how' in Subsection IV. The exclamative element wat, which constitutes a category in its own right, will be discussed in Subsection V.

I. Amplification
II. Downtoning
III. Neutral intensification
IV. The interrogative intensifier hoe'how'
- A. Interrogative hoe as modifier of a set-denoting adjective
- B. Interrogative hoe as modifier of an intensifier
V. The exclamative element wat'how'

[+] I. Amplification

Amplifiers scale upwards from a tacitly assumed norm. In order for an intensifier to be characterized as an amplifier, we should be able to infer from the combination intensifier + adjective that the state described by the adjective exceeds the assumed norm. This can be tested by placing the modified scalar adjective in the frame shown in (10a), in which co-indexation expresses that the subject of the first clause is coreferential with the subject of the second clause. The element zelfs'even' requires that the following AP scale upwards: the degree d2 implied by the second clause must be higher than the degree d1 implied by the first clause (d2 > d1). If the result is acceptable, we are dealing with an amplifier; if it is not, the modifier is most likely a downtoner. This is illustrated for the amplifier zeer'very' in (10b), and for the downtoner vrij'rather' in (10c).

a.		NPi is A;	pronouni	is zelfs	MODIFIER	A
		NP is A		is even
b.		Jan is aardig;	hij	is zelfs	zeer	aardig.
		Jan is nice	he	is even	very	nice
c.	%	Jan is aardig;	hij	is zelfs	vrij	aardig.
		Jan is nice	he	is even	rather	nice

The following subsections discuss the categories that may function as an amplifier. Adverbs apart, amplifiers belong to the categories AP and PP.

[+] A. Adverbs

There are a limited number of elements that function as amplifiers for which it cannot readily be established whether they are APs, NPs or PPs, and which we will refer to as adverbs for convenience. Some examples are given in (11).

heel goed

'very good'

hogelijk verbaasd

'highly amazed'

hoogst interessant

'most interesting'

uitermate gevaarlijk

'extremely dangerous'

uiterst belangrijk

'extremely important'

zeer zacht

'very soft'

The adverb heel'very' is special in that, at least in colloquial speech, it optionally gets the attributive -e ending if it modifies an attributively used adjective ending in -e. This is completely excluded with the other adverbs in (11). This contrast is illustrated in (12).

a.		een	heel/hel-e	aardig-e	jongen
		a	very	nice	boy

b.		een	uiterst/*uiterst-e	aardig-e	jongen
		an	extremely	nice	boy

The examples in (13) show that the adverbs in (11) cannot be modified themselves, and are normally not used in negative clauses (except in denials of some previously made assertion). In that respect, they differ from the adjectival amplifiers in (20) in Subsection B below.

a.	*	zeer	heel	goed
		very	very	good

a'.		Dat boek	is (?niet)	heel	goed.
		that book	is not	very	good

b.	*	zeer	hogelijk	verbaasd
		very	highly	amazed

b'.		Jan is (*niet)	hogelijk	verbaasd.
		Jan is not	highly	amazed

c.	*	zeer	hoogst	interessant
		very	most	interesting

c'.		Dat artikel	is (*niet)	hoogst	interessant.
		that article	is not	most	interesting

d.	*	heel	uitermate	gevaarlijk
		very	extremely	dangerous

d'.		Vuurwerk	is (*niet)	uitermate	gevaarlijk.
		Firework	is not	extremely	dangerous

e.	*	heel	uiterst	belangrijk
		very	extremely	important

e'.		Het probleem	is (*niet)	uiterst belangrijk.
		the problem	is not	extremely important

f.	*	heel	zeer	zacht
		very	very	soft

f'.		De deken	is (?niet)	zeer zacht.
		the blanket	is not	very soft

The adverbs typisch'typically', specifiek'specifically' and echt'truly' may also belong to this group, but they have the distinguishing property that they combine with relational adjectives, not with scalar set-denoting adjectives (cf. *typisch groot'typically big'). Although as a rule the relational adjectives do not occur in predicative position, addition of these amplifiers generally makes this possible due to the fact that the modified adjective is then construed as a set-denoting adjective referring to some typical property or set of properties; cf. Section 1.3.3. Example (14), for instance, expresses that the cheese under discussion has properties that are characteristic of Dutch cheese.

		Deze kaas	is typisch	Nederlands.
		this cheese	is typically	Dutch

[+] B. APs

The group of adjectival amplifiers is extremely large and seems to constitute an open class to which new forms can be readily added. The adjectival amplifiers can be divided into two groups on the basis of whether the have retained their original meaning.

[+] 1. Adjectival amplifiers that have lost their original meaning

The adjectival amplifiers in (15) resemble the adverbs in (11) in that they only have an amplifying effect; their original meaning, which is given in the glosses, has more or less disappeared.

a.		knap	moeilijk
		handsomely	difficult

e.		verschrikkelijk	geinig
		terribly	funny

b.		flink	sterk
		firmly	strong

f.		vreselijk	aardig
		terribly	nice

c.		oneindig	klein
		infinitely	small

g.		waanzinnig	goed
		insanely	good

d.		ontzettend	aardig
		terribly	nice

h.		geweldig	lief
		tremendously	sweet

Like the adverbs in (11), the amplifiers in (15) cannot be amplified themselves, and cannot occur in negative clauses. Two examples are given in (16).

a.	*	heel	vreselijk	geinig
		very	terribly	funny

a'.		Jan is (*niet)	vreselijk	geinig.
		Jan is not	terribly	funny

b.	*	erg waanzinnig goed
		very insanely good

b'.		Jan is (*niet)	waanzinnig	goed.
		Jan is not	insanely	good

We can probably include the evaluative adjectives in (17) in the same group as the adjectives in (15): the examples in (18) show that they cannot be amplified or occur in negative clauses either.

a.		jammerlijk	slecht
		deplorably	bad

c.		verduiveld	goed
		devilishly	good

b.		verdomd	leuk
		damned	nice

d.		verrekt	moeilijk
		damned	difficult

a.	*	erg jammerlijk slecht
		very deplorably bad

a'.		Dat boek is (*niet)	jammerlijk	slecht.
		that book is not	deplorably	bad

b.	*	zeer	verdomd	leuk
		very	damned	nice

b'.		Dat boek is (*niet)	verdomd	leuk.
		that book is not	damned	nice

However, example (17d) is somewhat special since the amplifier verrekt can be intensified by the addition of an -e ending, as illustrated in (19a). As the AP verrekte moeilijk is used in predicative position, this ending on verrekte cannot, of course, be an attributive ending. Actually, the use of the additional schwa has a degrading effect if the AP is used attributively, as is shown in (19b).

a.		Dit	is verrekte	moeilijk.
		this	is damned	difficult

b.	*?	de	verrekte	moeilijke	opgave
		the	damned	difficult	exercise

[+] 2. Adjectival amplifiers that have retained their original meaning

The adjectival amplifiers of the second group have more or less retained the meaning they have in attributive or predicative position. As a result of this, giving a satisfactory translation in English is occasionally quite difficult. Some examples are given in (20) and (21).

a.		druk	bezig
		lively	busy

c.		hard	nodig
		badly	needed

b.		erg	ziek
		badly	ill

d.		hartstochtelijk	verliefd
		passionately	in.love

a.		absurd	klein
		absurdly	small

f.		buitengewoon	groot
		extraordinarily	big

b.		afgrijselijk	lelijk
		atrociously	ugly

g.		enorm	groot
		enormously	big

c.		behoorlijk	dronken
		quite	drunk

h.		extra	goedkoop
		extra	cheap

d.		belachelijk	groot
		absurdly	big

i.		ongelofelijk	mooi
		unbelievably	handsome

e.		bijzonder	groot
		especially	big

j.		opmerkelijk	mooi
		strikingly	beautiful

The use of the adjectival amplifiers in (20) and (21) is very productive, although it should be observed that they cannot be used to modify an adjective of the same form. This is illustrated in (22).

a.		erg/*bijzonder	bijzonder
		very	special

b.		bijzonder/*erg	erg
		very	bad

Note also that there are also adjectival modifiers that have fully retained their lexical meaning, but whose main function is not intensification; cf. Section 8.3. Some examples are given in (23).

a.		De tafel	is onherstelbaar	beschadigd.
		the table	is irreparably	damaged

b.		De soep	is lekker zout.
		the soup	is tastily salty

The main semantic difference between the two sets of amplifiers in (20) and (21) is that amplification is less strong with the former than with the latter: the amplifiers in (20) express that the state denoted by the modified adjective holds to a high degree, whereas the amplifiers in (21) express that the state holds to an extremely high or even the highest degree. In other words, the amplifiers in (20) are more or less on a par with the prototypical amplifier zeer'very', whereas the amplifying force of the amplifiers in (21) exceeds the amplifying force of zeer. This can be made clear by means of the frame in (24a), in which the element zelfs'even' requires that the second AP scale upward with respect to the first one; cf. the discussion of (10). Given that the amplifiers in (20) cannot be felicitously used in this frame, we may conclude that their amplifying force does not surpass the amplifying force of zeer. The fact that the amplifiers in (21) can be readily used in this frame, on the other hand, shows that their amplifying force is stronger than that of zeer.

a.		NPi is zeer A; NP is very	pronouni	is zelfs is even	MODIFIER	A.
b.	%	Jan is zeer ziek. Jan is very ill	Hij he	is zelfs is even	erg very	ziek. ill
c.		Gebouw B is zeer lelijk. building B is very ugly	Het it	is zelfs is even	afgrijselijk atrociously	lelijk. ugly

This difference between the amplifiers in (20) and (21) is also reflected in their gradability. The examples in (25) show that the amplifiers in (20) can themselves be amplified by, e.g., the adverbs in (11) and undergo comparative/superlative formation.

a.		een	heel	erg	zieke	jongen
		a	very	very/badly	ill	boy

a'.		Jan is erger	ziek	dan Peter.
		Jan is more.very/worse	ill	than Peter

a''.		Jan is hetergst	ziek.
		Jan is the worst	ill

b.		Een nieuwe computer	is heel hard	nodig.
		a new computer	is very badly	needed

b'.		Een nieuwe computer	is harder	nodig	dan een nieuwe printer.
		a new computer	is more.badly	needed	than a new printer

b''.		Een nieuwe computer	is het hardst	nodig.
		a new computer	is the most.badly	needed

The examples in (26), on the other hand, show that amplification of the amplifiers in (21) is excluded and that the same thing holds for comparative and superlative formation.

a.	*?	een	heel afgrijselijk	lelijk	gebouw
		a	very atrociously	ugly	building

a'.	*	Gebouw B	is afgrijselijker	lelijk	dan gebouw C.
		building B	is more atrociously	ugly	than building C

a''.	*	Gebouw B	is het afgrijselijkst	lelijk.
		building B	is the most atrociously	ugly

b.	*	Dit boek	is uiterst opmerkelijk	mooi.
		this book	is extremely strikingly	beautiful

b'.	*	Dit boek	is opmerkelijker	mooi	dan dat boek.
		this book	is more strikingly	beautiful	than that book

b''.	*	Dit boek	is het opmerkelijkst	mooi.
		this book	is the most strikingly	beautiful

It is important to note that the unacceptability of the examples in (26) is not due to some idiosyncratic property of the adjectives; modification and comparative and superlative formation are both possible if these adjectives are used attributively or predicatively, as is demonstrated in (27).

a.		een	heel afgrijselijk	gebouw
		a	very atrocious	building

a'.		Gebouw B	is afgrijselijker	dan gebouw C.
		building B	is more atrocious	than building C