- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section discusses the extraposition options of clausal constituents that are not selected by the verb, such as adverbial phrases and supplementives. Generally speaking, extraposition is restricted to prepositional and clausal adjuncts, that is, extraposition of nominal and adjectival adjuncts is impossible.
It is often taken for granted that locational and temporal adverbial PPs can be extraposed. That this is justified seems clear from the fact illustrated in (52) that such PPs normally do not have to be preceded by an intonation break if they occur in postverbal position.
a. | dat | Jan graag | in de tuin | eet. | locational | |
that | Jan gladly | in the garden | eats | |||
'that Jan likes to eat in the garden.' |
a'. | dat Jan graag eet in de tuin. |
b. | dat | Jan | na het eten | graag | een sigaret | rookt. | temporal | |
that | Jan | after the meal | gladly | a cigarette | smokes | |||
'that Jan likes to smoke a cigarette after dinner.' |
b'. | dat Jan graag een sigaret rookt na het eten. |
That we are dealing with extraposition in the primed examples in (52) is further supported by the fact that the adverbial PPs can easily be pied piped under VP-topicalization.
a. | Eten in de tuin | doet | Jan graag. | |
eat in the garden | does | Jan gladly |
b. | Een sigaret roken na het eten | doet | Jan graag. | |
a cigarette smoke after the meal | does | Jan gladly |
Another argument for assuming extraposition may be that accent can be placed on extraposed adverbial PPs. It should be noted, however, that speakers sometimes seem to entertain different ideas on the question as to whether this results in a neutral intonation pattern: while Van den Berg (1978:222) claims the accent on the PP to be the (non-contrastive) sentence accent, as indicated in (54b), Mark de Vries (p.c.) claims it to be a contrastive accent, as indicated in (54b'). We will leave this issue open for future research.
a. | dat | Jan graag | in de tuin | eet. | |
that | Jan gladly | in the garden | eats | ||
'that Jan likes to eat in the garden.' |
b. | % | dat Jan graag eet in de tuin. |
b'. | dat Jan graag eet in de tuin |
Section 12.2, sub IV, observed that extraposition does not affect the propositional meaning of the construction. In order to establish whether we are dealing with extraposition or right dislocation, it may therefore be useful to investigate the propositional meaning of the constructions under consideration. But first let us look again at the (a)-examples in (52) in order to show that the structural position of the adverbial phrase in the clause may affect its extraposition options. Under a neutral (non-contrastive) intonation pattern, example (52a) expresses that Jan likes a certain thing, namely, eating in the garden: like to do (Jan, eating in the garden). The extraposition example (52a') expresses exactly the same propositional content, and the same holds for the VP-topicalization construction in (53a). Things look different in the case of the (b)-examples in (52). Example (52b), repeated as (55a), expresses that Jan likes to do a certain thing after dinner, namely smoking a cigarette: like to do after dinner (Jan, smoking a cigarette). However, this is not what is expressed by example (52b') or the VP-topicalization construction in (53b), which expresses that Jan likes to do a certain thing, which is smoking a cigarette after dinner: like to do (Jan, smoking a cigarette after dinner). This strongly suggests that (52b') cannot be considered the extraposition counterpart of (55a), but should be considered the counterpart of (55b), which does express the same meaning. If we assume that the subject-oriented adverb graag'gladly' has a fixed position in the structure, this suggests that the structural position of the adverbial PP may determine whether extraposition is possible or not.
a. | dat | Jan | na het eten | graag | een sigaret | rookt. | |
that | Jan | after the meal | gladly | a cigarette | smokes |
a'. | like to do after dinner (Jan, smoking a cigarette) |
b. | dat | Jan | graag | na het eten | een sigaret | rookt. | |
that | Jan | gladly | after the meal | a cigarette | smokes |
b'. | like to do (Jan, smoking a cigarette after dinner) |
This phenomenon is more general: Chapter 8 argues that clausal adverbs such as waarschijnlijk'probably' or vaak'often' are located at the boundary of the lexical and the functional domain of the verbal projection (see Section 9.1 for an introduction to these notions): elements appearing to the left of such adverbs are located in the functional domain of the verb while elements appearing to the right of such adverbs are part of the lexical domain of the verb. Now consider the primeless examples in (56) and their paraphrases in the primed examples.
a. | dat | Jan | vaak | na het eten | in slaap | valt. | |
that | Jan | often | after the meal | in sleep | falls | ||
'that Jan often falls asleep after dinner.' |
a'. | Het | is vaak | zo | dat | Jan na het eten | in slaap | valt. | |
it | is often | the.case | that | Jan after the meal | in sleep | falls | ||
'It is often the case that Jan falls asleep after dinner.' |
b. | dat | Jan | na het eten | vaak | in slaap | valt. | |
that | Jan | after the meal | often | in sleep | falls | ||
'that Jan often falls asleep after dinner.' |
b'. | Het | is na het eten | vaak | zo | dat | Jan in slaap | valt. | |
it | is after the meal | often | the.case | that | Jan in sleep | falls | ||
'It is often the case after dinner that Jan falls asleep.' |
The extraposition and VP-topicalization constructions in the (a)-examples in (57) correspond in their propositional meaning to example (56a), while the right-dislocation and topicalization constructions in the (b)-examples correspond in their propositional meaning to example (56b). Note that the meaning contrast between the two primeless examples in (57) may not be very sharp, but this is certainly the case for the meaning contrast between the two primed examples. If our intuitions are correct, this strongly suggests that adverbial PPs can be extraposed only if they are in a hierarchically lower position than the clausal adverbs, that is, when they occupy a position in the lexical domain of the verb.
a. | dat | Jan | vaak | in slaap | valt | na het eten. | |
that | Jan | often | in sleep | falls | after the meal |
a'. | In slaap vallen | na het eten | doet | Jan vaak. | |
in sleep fall | after the meal | does | Jan often |
b. | dat | Jan | vaak | in slaap | valt, | na het eten. | |
that | Jan | often | in sleep | falls | after the meal |
b'. | In slaap vallen | doet Jan vaak, | na het eten. | |
in sleep fall | does Jan often | after the meal |
The hypothesis that adverbial PPs should be in the lexical domain of the main verb in order to be able to occur in extraposed position provides us with two strong predictions: if an adverbial PP can occur to the right of a clausal adverb, it can also be in extraposed position; if an adverbial PP can only occur to the left of a clausal adverb, it cannot be in extraposed position. This seems more or less the correct generalization. The examples in (58) show that the first prediction is correct for instrumental met-PPs, agentive door-phrases, and wegens-PPs expressing a cause/reason; these may follow the clausal adverb vaak'often' and extraposition is fully acceptable, as is clear from the fact illustrated in the primed examples that the postverbal PPs can be pied piped under VP-topicalization.
a. | dat | Jan vaak | <met deze kwast> | schildert <met deze kwast>. | |
that | Jan often | with this brush | paints | ||
'that Jan often paints with this brush.' |
a'. | Schilderen | met deze kwast | doet | Jan | vaak. | |
paint | with this brush | does | Jan | often |
b. | Jan wordt | vaak | <door Peter> | geplaagd <door Peter>. | |
Jan is | often | by Peter | teased |
b'. | Geplaagd | door Peter | wordt | Jan vaak. | |
teased | by Peter | is | Jan often |
c. | Dat Jan | vaak | <vanwege ziekte> | lessen | verzuimt <vanwege ziekte>. | |
that Jan | often | because.of illness | lessons | be-absent | ||
'that Jan often misses lessons because of illness.' |
c'. | Lessen | verzuimen | vanwege ziekte | doet | Jan vaak. | |
lessons | be.absent | because.of illness | does | Jan often |
That the second prediction is also on the right track is illustrated in (59) by means of an adverbial ondanks-PP expressing concession. Example (59a) first shows that this PP must precede the clausal adverb vaak'often'. We therefore expect extraposition to be impossible, and this is indeed borne out: example (59b) shows that the PP must be preceded by an intonation break when it is in postverbal position (Veld 1993:144). That we are not dealing with extraposition is further supported by the (c)-examples, which show that the PP cannot be pied piped under VP-topicalization.
a. | dat | Jan | <ondanks zijn ziekte> | toch | vaak <*ondanks zijn ziekte> | sport. | |
that | Jan | despite his illness | prt | often | does.sport | ||
'that Jan often exercises despite his illness.' |
b. | dat | Jan toch | vaak | sport ??(,) | ondanks zijn ziekte. | |
that | Jan prt | often | does.sport | despite his illness |
c. | * | Sporten (,) | ondanks zijn ziekte, | doet Jan toch | vaak. |
do.sport | despite his illness | does Jan prt | often |
c'. | Sporten | doet Jan toch | vaak, | ondanks zijn ziekte. | |
do.sport | does Jan prt | often | despite his illness |
Since most adverbial PPs that can occur to the left of the clausal adverbs can also occur to their right, there are not so very many systematic cases that exhibit the same pattern as concessive adverbial PPs. Another, less frequent, case is the adverbial PP in de regel'normally' in (60a). Example (60b) shows that this PP must be preceded by an intonation break if it is in postverbal position, and the (c)-examples show that it must be stranded by VP-topicalization.
a. | dat | Jan | <in de regel> | vaak <*in de regel> | sport. | |
that | Jan | as a rule | often | does.sport | ||
'that normally Jan often exercises despite his illness.' |
b. | dat | Jan | vaak | sport *(,) | in de regel. | |
that | Jan | often | does.sport | as a rule |
c. | * | Sporten (,) | in de regel, | doet Jan | vaak. |
do.sport | as a rule | does Jan | often |
c'. | Sporten | doet Jan vaak, | in de regel. | |
do.sport | does Jan often | as a rule |
The examples in (61), finally, show that the clausal adverbs themselves cannot be extraposed either if they have the form of a PP; see Veld (1993:144). Example (61b) shows that the adverbial PP tot drie maal toe'up to three times' must be preceded by an intonation break when in postverbal position, and the (c)-examples show that it must be stranded by VP-topicalization.
a. | dat we | tot driemaal toe | een explosie | hoorden. | |
that we | tot three.times toe | an explosion | heard | ||
'that we heard an explosion thrice.' |
b. | dat | we een explosie | hoorden *(,) | tot driemaal toe. | |
that | we an explosion | heard | tot three.times toe |
c. | Een explosie | horen (,) | tot driemaal toe, | deden | we. | |
an explosion | hear | tot three.times toe | did | we |
c'. | Een explosie | horen | deden | we, | tot driemaal toe. | |
an explosion | hear | did | we | tot three.times toe |
This subsection has put forward the hypothesis that adverbial PPs can be extraposed only if they can occur to the right of the clausal adverbs, that is, if they are part of the lexical domain of the main verb. Adverbial PPs cannot be extraposed if they can only occur to the left of the clausal adverbs, that is, if they are part of the functional domain of the main verb. Sentential adverbial PPs, which seem to be located at the boundary between the two domains cannot be extraposed either.
Adverbial clauses seem to exhibit more or less the same behavior as their prepositional counterparts, although they may be expected to occur more frequently in extraposed position, as extraposition may be favored in the case of clauses by such factors as mentioned in Section 12.1, sub V. Their similarity in behavior is illustrated in (62) by means of a temporal clause with the same function as the temporal adverbial PP na het eten'after dinner' in (55): example (62b) shows that the clause need not be preceded by an intonation break if it occurs postverbally, and (62c) shows that it can readily be pied piped under VP-topicalization. The primed examples show that the adverbial clause can also be right-dislocated.
a. | dat | Jan | <graag> | [nadat | hij | gegeten | heeft] <graag> | een sigaret | rookt. | |
that | Jan | gladly | after | he | eaten | has | a cigarette | smokes | ||
'that Jan likes to smoke a cigarette after he has eaten.' |
b. | dat | Jan graag | een sigaret | rookt | [nadat | hij | gegeten | heeft]. | |
that | Jan gladly | a cigarette | smokes | after | he | eaten | has |
b'. | dat | Jan graag | een sigaret | rookt, | [nadat | hij | gegeten | heeft]. | |
that | Jan gladly | a cigarette | smokes | after | he | eaten | has |
c. | Een sigaret | roken | [nadat | hij | gegeten | heeft] | doet | Jan graag. | |
a cigarette | smoke | after | he | eaten | has | does | Jan gladly |
c'. | Een sigaret | roken | doet | Jan graag, | [nadat | hij | gegeten | heeft]. | |
a cigarette | smoke | does | Jan gladly | after | he | eaten | has |
The examples in (63) indicate that the distribution of adverbial clauses introduced by ondanks is subject to the same restrictions as the adverbial PP ondanks zijn ziekte'despite his illness' in (59). Example (63a) first shows that the adverbial clause must precede the sentential adverb vaak'often', as placing it in the position indicated by <*> gives rise to a severely degraded result. Example (63b) shows that the clause is preferably preceded by an intonation break if it occurs in postverbal position (although this preference seems less strong than in the case of a PP). The (c)-examples show that the clause cannot be pied piped under VP-topicalization but must be stranded. All of this all suggests that the clause cannot be extraposed.
a. | dat | Jan | <ondanks | dat | hij | ziek | is> | toch | vaak <*> | sport. | |
that | Jan | despite | that | he | ill | is | prt | often | does.sport | ||
'that Jan often exercises despite the fact that he is ill.' |
b. | dat | Jan toch | vaak | sport ?(,) | [ondanks | dat | hij | ziek | is]. | |
that | Jan prt | often | does.sport | despite | that | he | ill | is |
c. | * | Sporten (,) | ondanks | dat | hij | ziek | is, | doet Jan toch | vaak. |
do.sport | despite | that | he | ill | is | does Jan prt | often |
c'. | Sporten | doet Jan toch | vaak, | [ondanks | dat | hij | ziek | is]. | |
do.sport | does Jan prt | often | despite | that | he | ill | is |
Infinitival temporal adverbial clauses are like their finite counterparts in that they may occur in pre- and postverbal position. The postverbal clause can be in extraposed position: it need not be preceded by an intonation break and it can easily be pied piped under VP-topicalization. The infinitival clause can also be right-dislocated but we will not illustrate this here.
a. | dat | Jan | <graag> | [alvorens | te eten] | een glas jenever | drinkt. | |
that | Jan | gladly | before | to eat | a glass [of] Dutch.gin | drinks | ||
'that Jan likes to drink a glass of Dutch gin before eating.' |
b. | dat | Jan graag | een glas jenever | drinkt | [alvorens | te eten]. | |
that | Jan gladly | a glass [of] Dutch.gin | drinks | before | to eat |
c. | Een glas jenever | drinken | [alvorens | te eten] | doet | Jan graag. | |
a glass [of] Dutch.gin | drink | before | to eat | does | Jan gladly |
Some adverbial clauses do not seem to be comfortable in preverbal position. This holds, for instance, for the adverbial clauses found in conditional and consecutive constructions. The answer to the question as to whether they are in extraposed or right-dislocated position therefore has to rely entirely on VP-topicalization. We illustrate this in (65) for conditional constructions. Example (65a) shows that the when-clause cannot readily occur in the middle field; it can only occur in this position as a parenthetical, in which case it should be preceded and followed by an intonation break. That the postverbal when-clause cannot easily be pied piped under VP-topicalization, as illustrated in (65b), suggests that it is right-dislocated.
a. | dat | Jan | <??als | hij | gedronken | heeft> | slecht slaapt <als hij gedronken heeft>. | |
that | Jan | if | he | drunk | has | badly sleeps | ||
'that Jan sleeps badly when he has drunk alcohol.' |
b. | Slapen | <??als | hij | gedronken | heeft> | doet | Jan slecht <als hij gedronken heeft>. | |
sleep | if | he | drunk | has | does | Jan badly |
The examples in (66) illustrate the same for consecutive constructions. Example (66a) shows that the adverbial clause expressing the consequence must be placed in postverbal position: placement of this clause in the middle field positions indicated by <*> is entirely impossible, even as a parenthetical clause. The adverbial clause in (66a) is again preferably preceded by an intonation break, which suggests that it is right-dislocated. This is supported by the fact illustrated in (b)-examples in (66) that the adverbial clause must be stranded under VP-topicalization.
a. | dat | Jan <*> | liever <*> | doorwerkt | <zodat | we alleen | moeten | gaan>. | |
that | Jan | rather | on-works | so.that | we alone | must | go | ||
'Jan prefers to continue working, so that we have to go alone.' |
b. | * | Doorwerken | zodat | we alleen | moeten | gaan | doet | Jan liever. |
on-work | so.that | we alone | must | go | does | Jan rather |
b'. | Doorwerken | doet | Jan liever, | zodat | we alleen | moeten | gaan. | |
on-work | does | Jan rather | so.that | we alone | must | go |
As far as we know, the syntactic behavior of the various semantic types of postverbal adverbial clauses has not been studied systematically. The full story therefore has to await future research; the discussions found in Veld (1993:section 5.2.8) and De Vries (2002:ch.7) provide good starting points for a more in-depth investigation.
Adjectival adjuncts are excluded in extraposed position. The following subsections will discuss this for adverbial phrases and complementives.
Adjectival adverbial phrases are excluded in extraposed position. This is illustrated in (67) for the adverbial phrase of manner erg zorgvuldig'very carefully'. While (67a) shows that this phrase can precede the verb, it cannot easily follow it: the only way to improve (67b) is by assigning contrastive stress to the adverbial phrase or by adding an apposition marker such as en wel, which are typical properties of afterthoughts: dat Jan het artikel las—(en wel) erg zorgvuldig. Example (67c) shows that VP-topicalization is also difficult in the case of a postverbal manner adverbial, although the stranding option again improves if contrastive stress or the apposition marker en wel is added to the adverbial phrase; Het artikel lezen deed Jan—(en wel) erg zorgvuldig.
a. | dat | Jan het artikel | erg zorgvuldig | las. | |
that | Jan the article | very carefully | read | ||
'that Jan read the article read very carefully.' |
b. | dat | Jan het artikel | las *(??,) | erg zorgvuldig. | |
that | Jan the article | read | very carefully |
c. | Het artikel lezen | <*erg zorgvuldig> | deed Jan, < ??erg zorgvuldig>. | |
the article read | very carefully | did Jan |
Adjectival adjuncts with other semantic functions are also incompatible with extraposition. Example (68) illustrates this for the adverbial regelmatig'regularly', which can be used either as a predicate or as a clausal adverb. Example (68b) shows that such adverbial phrases can only occur in postverbal position if they are preceded by an intonation break; the result of postverbal placement is best if the adjective regelmatig is assigned contrastive accent. Example (68c) shows that pied piping of the adverbial phrase under VP-topicalization is excluded; stranding is possible and again seems best if the adjective is assigned contrastive stress or preceded by the apposition marker en wel.
a. | dat | we regelmatig | een explosie | hoorden. | |
that | we regularly | an explosion | heard | ||
'that we regularly heard an explosion.' |
b. | dat | we een explosie | hoorden *(,) | regelmatig. | |
that | we an explosion | heard | regularly |
c. | * | Een explosie | horen (,) | regelmatig, | deden we. |
an explosion | hear | regularly | did we |
c'. | Een explosie | horen | deden | we, | (en wel) | regelmatig. | |
an explosion | hear | did | we | and prt | regularly |
Note in passing that the intonation break in the (c)-examples can be omitted and that the adverbial phrase is not necessarily assigned contrastive accent in the resulting utterance: Een explosie horen deden we regelmatig. Such cases probably involve stranding of a preverbal adverbial phrase. Unfortunately, the actual position of the supplementive cannot be inspected from the surface form of the clause because VP-topicalization has removed all material following it.
Adjectival supplementives are also incompatible with extraposition. The (b)-examples in (69) show that complementives can occur in postverbal position only if they function as afterthoughts: they must be preceded by an intonation break and assigned contrastive stress. The (c)-examples show that VP-topicalization cannot pied pipe postverbal supplementives; the supplementive must be stranded. It should be noted that, as in (68c), the intonation break in (69c) can be omitted and that the supplementive is normally not assigned contrastive accent in the resulting utterance: Naar huis wandelen deed Jan tevreden. Such cases probably involve stranding of the preverbal supplementive in (69a) but, unfortunately, the actual position of the supplementive cannot be inspected from the surface form of the clause because VP-topicalization has removed all material following it.
a. | dat | Jan tevreden | naar huis | wandelde. | |
that | Jan satisfied | to home | walked | ||
'that Jan walked home satisfied.' |
b. | * | dat | Jan naar huis | wandelde (,) | tevreden. |
that | Jan to home | walked | satisfied |
b'. | dat | Jan naar huis | wandelde, | tevreden. | |
that | Jan to home | walked | satisfied |
c. | * | Naar huis | wandelen | <tevreden> | deed Jan, <tevreden>. |
to home | walk | satisfied | did Jan |
c'. | Naar huis | wandelen | deed | Jan, | tevreden. | |
to home | walk | did | Jan | satisfied |
It should further be pointed out that Veld (1993:133-4) claims that monosyllabic complementives cannot readily be used as afterthoughts for prosodic reasons: the dollar sign in (70) indicates that there is indeed a slight contrast with cases in polysyllabic or phrasal supplementives, such as tevreden in (69) or moe en tevreden in (70), but we still consider examples of this sort acceptable.
% | dat | Jan ging | naar huis, | [moe | $(maar | tevreden)]. | |
that | Jan went | to home | tired | but | satisfied | ||
'that Jan went home, tired (but satisfied).' |
This section has shown that adjectival adjuncts (adverbial phrases and complementives) cannot occur in extraposed position; when they occur postverbally they are right-dislocated. We refer to Veld (1993) and De Vries (2002:291), for more examples, while noting that the latter is quite (and in our view sometimes too) lenient in his acceptability judgments.
Nominal adverbial phrases have a temporal meaning. A prototypical example is given in (71a). Example (71) shows that the phrase de hele dag'the whole day' can be used in postverbal position but is then preferably preceded by an intonation break; cf. Veld (1993:127). The fact that omitting the intonation break seems marginally possible in slow careful speech may give rise to the idea that extraposition is at least a marginal option. However, the fact illustrated in (71c) that pied piping the postverbal phrase gives rise to a highly marked result suggests that we are dealing with a right-dislocated phrase after all; the example improves if the adverbial phrase is preceded and followed by an intonation break, but in that case we are dealing with a parenthetical.
a. | dat | Jan graag | de hele dag | leest. | |
that | Jan gladly | the whole day | reads | ||
'that Jan likes reading all day long.' |
b. | dat | Jan graag | leest ?(,) | de hele dag. | |