
- Dutch
- Frisian
- Afrikaans
- Dutch
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
- Frisian
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Afrikaans
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
The copulas of body posture may be used as auxiliaries expressing duration when combined with to-infinitives, while they still retain to a greater or lesser extent their locative interpretation. An example is given below:
As er dêr sa yn 'e doar stie te kjeldskypjen |
when he there so in the door stood to cold.catch |
When he stood there in the door, catching a cold |
The Frisian verbs of body posture retain their locative interpretation more than their Dutch counterparts. The Dutch counterparts have become more aspectual. As a consequence, colloquial regional (western) Dutch may feature examples in which the verb of lying is used as an aspectual, even though the subject may be standing or sitting. In colloquial Dutch, the verb of sitting is used as an aspectual verb of duration, although the subject is question need not be sitting. Frisian only recently developed a productive aspectual use of verbs of body posture, as is impressionistically confirmed by the examples from the Frisian Language Corpus, though this should be further investigated.
Verbs of body posture may function as aspectual auxiliaries when they combine with to-infinitives. Clause-union is obligatory, as is clear from the cases in the example below:
a. | In fanke, dat op in stik kaugom stie te wjerkôgjen | ||||||||||||||
a girl that on a piece chewing.gum stood to chew | |||||||||||||||
A girl that stood chewing on a piece of gum |
b. | *In fanke, dat stie op in stik kaugom te wjerkôgjen | ||||||||||||||
a girl that stood on a piece chewing.gum to chew | |||||||||||||||
A girl that stood chewing on a piece of gum |
If the copula of body posture takes a locative complement, however, it is possible to provide it with an optional full infinitival clause. An example is given below:
In fanke, dat op 'e brêge stie op in stik kaugom te kôgjen |
a girl that on the bridge stood on a piece chewing.gum to chew |
A girl that stood chewing on a piece of gum on the bridge |
The infinitival clause presumably functions as an adjunct in case there is a locative complement. No extraction is allowed from the infinitival clause:
*Wêr hat it fanke op 'e brêge stien op te kôgjen? |
What.R has the girl on the bridge stood on to chew |
What did the girl standing on the bridge chew on? |
Extraction is licit if there is clause-union and the infinitival verb is clustered with the body posture copula, so that the arguments of the infinitival verb are realised to the left of the copula of body posture, as in the sentence below:
Wêr hat it fanke op 'e brêge op stien te kôgjen? |
What.R has the girl on the bridge on stood to chew |
What did the girl standing on the bridge chew on? |
clause-union and verb-clustering always appear together with auxiliaries of body posture. So auxiliaries of body posture do not allow of the third construction, in which arguments of the main verb may appear both to the right and to the left of the copula. The following sentence illustrates that verbs of body posture resist the third construction, regardless of whether a locative phrase is present:
a. | *Omdat ik Aalt stie mei syn ferline te konfrontearjen | ||||||||||||||
because I Aalt stood with his past to confront | |||||||||||||||
Because I was confronting Aalt with his past |
b. | *Omdat ik yn 'e tûn Aalt stie mei syn ferline te konfrontearjen | ||||||||||||||
because I in the garden Aalt stood with his past to confront | |||||||||||||||
Because I was confronting Aalt with his past in the garden |
Such sentences are allowed with verbs selecting the third construction:
?Omdat ik juster Aalt besocht mei syn ferline te konfrontearjen |
because I juster Aalt tried with his past to confront |
Because I tried to confront Aalt with his past yesterday |
The grammaticality of such examples indicates that the presence of the third construction is independent of the presence of the IPP effect, seeing that the IPP-effect is absent in Frisian. Furthermore, examples of the third construction can even be found in the nineteenth-century (in the work of the writer Waling Dykstra, for example). If the third construction in Frisian is an interference from Dutch, it is an old one.
To sum up, auxiliaries of body posture may take a locative complement and a full infinitival adjunct clause, or the infinitival clause functions as the complement, but in that case clause-union and verb clustering must take place. If verb raising takes place, the copula of body posture is invariably adjacent to the main verb, which has the form of a to-infinitive. This observation holds true in clauses in which no verb-second has taken place, since verb-second obscures the visibility of this generalisation, that is, verb-second breaks up the adjacency of the two verbs by moving the tensed verb to the beginning of the clause.
There is one exception, though, concerning the adjacency of the aspectual copula and the to-infinitive. Verbal particles may intervene between the aspectual copula and the to-infinitive, as shown below, in case the to-infinitive follows the copula, which is the unmarked word order:
a. | De finzene yn Ommen dy't ien fan de wachters dêr stie út te gnizen | ||||||||||||||
the prisoner in Ommen who one of the guards there stood out to laugh | |||||||||||||||
The prisoner in Ommen who stood laughing at one of the guards |
b. | Doe't wy op in kear op in heech stek sieten út te pûsten | ||||||||||||||
when we on a time on a high fence sat out to pant | |||||||||||||||
When once we sat on a high fence, panting and recovering |
However, the to-infinitive occasionally is found to precede the aspectual copula, as in the example below:
De grize grouwer dy't mei de hannen foar de eagen te gûlen siet |
the grey growler who with the hands for the eyes to cry sat |
The grey growler who sat crying while covering his eyes with his hands |
If the verb cluster has a head-final order, as in the example above, it is impenetrable to non-verbal material such as particles, as illustrated by the minimal pair below:
a. | Doe't wy op in kear op in heech stek út te pûsten sieten | ||||||||||||||
when we on a time on a high fence out to pant sat | |||||||||||||||
When once we sat on a high fence, panting and recovering |
b. | *Doe't wy op in kear op in heech stek te pûsten út sieten | ||||||||||||||
when we on a time on a high fence out to pant out sat | |||||||||||||||
When once we sat on a high fence, panting and recovering |
Aspectual auxiliaries of body posture are rarely used in the perfect tense, the examples from the Frisian Language Corpus (FLC) tend to be recent and, moreover, they have been produced by only a few writers. The FLC contains a lot of Frisian from before the eighties, so that it may well be telling that the examples encountered are quite recent:
a. | En nei't se in skoftke tegearre op 'e bank sitten hiene te praten | ||||||||||||||
and after they a while together on the bench sat had to talk | |||||||||||||||
And after they had sat talking on the bench a while | |||||||||||||||
[(1987)] |
b. | De doar dêr't dat hiele skoft in klasse foar stien hie te wachtsjen | ||||||||||||||
the door which that whole time a class in.front.of stood had to wait | |||||||||||||||
The door which a school class had stood waiting in front of the whole time | |||||||||||||||
[(1986)] |
c. | In plan dat al in skoftke yn har lein hie te slûgjen | ||||||||||||||
a plan which DcP a while in her lain had to slumber | |||||||||||||||
A plan which had lain slumbering inside her for quite a while | |||||||||||||||
[(1987)] |
The fact that such examples are of a recent date suggests that this use of aspectual auxiliaries is due to interference from Dutch, although the examples do not have the feel of interference, that is, they seem to be well entrenched in Frisian.
The to-infinitive accompanying the verb of body posture is commonly a verb of activity which is compatible with the meaning of the verb of body posture. A person can talk while standing, or slumber while lying, and so on. The to-infinitive following the aspectual verb of body posture must exhibit incorporation of the direct object if the subject is inanimate:
It strykizer dat op de boppeste planke al jierren lein hie te neatdwaan |
the iron which on the top shelf DcP years lain had to nothing.do |
The iron which had been lying idle on the top shelf for years |
It should be noted that it does not seem grammatical to realise the direct object as a syntactic Noun Phrase (NP) in (12), as shown below:
*It strykizer dat op de boppeste planke al jierren neat lein hie te dwaan |
the iron which on the top shelf DcP years nothing lain had to do |
The iron which had been lying idle on the top shelf for years |
Most examples in the FLC involve intransitive to-infinitives. Transitive to-infinitives are rarely found as the complement of body posture auxiliaries, they have a decidedly Dutch feel and they are all recent. It seems that they must involve animate subjects. Some examples are given below:
a. | Dat in NSB-faam hjir goede wurken stie te dwaan om letter frij te kommen | ||||||||||||||
that a NSB-girl here good works stood to do for later free to come | |||||||||||||||
That a girl of the NSB stood here doing good works in order to be released later on | |||||||||||||||
[(1986)] |
b. | It ûntgyng Tietk net, hoe begearich hja alles stie te besjen | ||||||||||||||
it fail.see Tietk not how avidly she everything stood to see | |||||||||||||||
Tietk did not fail to notice how avidly she was looking at everything while standing there | |||||||||||||||
[(1988)] |
c. | Se hie wolris sjoen, dat mem mei de blaker op in stove noch wat siet te dwaan | ||||||||||||||
she had DcP seen that mother with the candle on the brazier something sat to do | |||||||||||||||
She had seen that her mother sat doing something with the candle on the brazier | |||||||||||||||
[(1989)] |
In these examples, it sounds better to leave out the aspectual copula all together and turn the infinitival verb into the tensed verb, as in the example below:
It ûntgyng Tietk net, hoe begearich hja alles beseach |
it fail.see Tietk not how avidly she everything saw |
Tietk did not fail to notice how avidly she was looking at everything |
Transitivity can also be avoided by incorporating the direct object, resulting in a perfectly sounding sentence, as in the following examples:
a. | Piet Paaltjens wie in jonge, bleke dichter, dy't op in pealtsje siet te krinkjespuien | ||||||||||||||
Piet Paaltjens was a young pale poet who on a pole sat to circle.spit | |||||||||||||||
Piet Paaltjens was a young pale poet, who sat on a pole spitting circles |
b. | It suterich âld wyfke dat by de grutte tobbe siet te termskrabjen | ||||||||||||||
the slovenly old woman that at the big tub sat to gut.scrape | |||||||||||||||
The slovenly old woman who sat scraping guts at the big tub |
Incidentally, particles can also be incorporated, as in the following example:
Joukje stie te ôfwaskjen en Hepke droege it spul ôf |
Jouke stood to up.wash and Hepke dried the things up |
Jouke stood doing the dishes and Hepke dried them up |
To sum up, auxiliaries of body posture select intransitive verbs of activity, in case they select infinitival clauses as their complement. It seems to be a recent development that auxiliaries of body posture are found with transitive complements, that is, without incorporation. The relevance of intransitivity is intimately bound up with object incorporation, since object incorporation makes a transitive verb intransitive. More specifically, the kind of intransitivity involved is not the removal of the logical subject (the agent) from the subject position, but it involves the removal of the logical object (the theme) from the object position. This process, when marked by a systematic morpheme, is called a syntactic antipassive. The Frisian examples involve an antipassive that is realised by noun incorporation. Consequently, it could be said that various Frisian copulas and auxiliaries select an antipassive complement, and that antipassivity is lexically realised by means of noun-incorporation, see incorporating to-infinitive.
