- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
Predicative nouns denoting a profession or social function are unique in that we find a three-way alternation between noun phrases headed by a definite article, noun phrases headed by an indefinite article and bare noun phrases. The use of “➶” in (104a) indicates that the bare noun phrase involves a rise in the intonation contour, which, in neutral contexts, is lacking in the other two cases. That the choice of determiner is not semantically innocuous will be evident from the general survey in the following subsections; see also Haeseryn et al. (1997: §4.5.6).
a. | Hij | is ➶ | dokter. | bare NP | |
he | is | physician | |||
'Heʼs a physician (by profession).' |
b. | Hij | is de dokter. | definite article | |
he | is the physician | |||
'Heʼs the physician.' |
c. | Hij | is een dokter. | indefinite article | |
he | is a physician | |||
'He behaves like/has features typical of a physician.' |
The interpretation of dokter'doctor' in (104a) is that of the profession/social function; it predicates the property of being a doctor by profession of the subject. The nominal predicate receives what we will call a “professional” reading and is interpreted “objectively”. This objective interpretation is clear from the fact that bare NPs cannot enter the vinden-construction in (105a), which inherently expresses a subjective evaluation by the referent of the subject of the clause. Further, it is clear from the fact illustrated in (105b) that subjective modifiers cannot be added to the bare noun phrase. Finally, the predicative noun cannot have an inherently positive or negative connotation, as is the case with schoolfrik in (105c).
a. | * | Ik | vind | hem | schoolmeester. |
I | consider | him | schoolmaster |
b. | * | Jan is goede schoolmeester. |
Jan is good schoolmaster |
c. | * | Jan is schoolfrik. |
Jan is pedant.schoolmaster |
This places the bare NP apart from the predicatively used noun phrases introduced by the indefinite article een'a' in (106), which may but need not denote the profession of being a schoolmaster; cf. the discussion in Subsection III below.
a. | Ik | vind | hem | een schoolmeester. | |
I | consider | him | a schoolmaster |
b. | Jan is een goede schoolmeester. | |
Jan is a good schoolmaster |
c. | Jan is een schoolfrik. | |
Jan is a pedant.schoolmaster |
Note that this semantic distinction between bare NPs and indefinite noun phrases introduced by the article een is typical for the domain of nominal predicates, and does not occur elsewhere. For instance, the examples in (107) show that the preposition zonder'without' can take either a bare noun phrase or an indefinite noun phrase as its complement, but it seems difficult to discern any describable semantic difference between the two examples. Note that evaluative modifiers can be used in both cases, and that the noun may express an inherently subjective connotation such as pillendraaier (lit.: someone who makes pills).
a. | We | kunnen | niet | op safari | zonder (goede) dokter/pillendraaier. | |
we | can | not | on safari | without good physician |
b. | We | kunnen | niet | op safari | zonder een (goede) dokter/pillendraaier. | |
we | can | not | on safari | without a good physician | ||
'We cannot go on a safari without a (good) physician.' |
As was already mentioned in 8.2.1, sub III, predicative bare noun phrases can also be used on their “professional” reading in phrases introduced by als, tot, and occasionally voor. On this reading, the noun phrase must be bare, that is, it cannot be introduced by the indefinite article een.
a. | Jan werkt | als | (*een) | dokter | in een ziekenhuis. | |
Jan works | as | a | physician | in a hospital | ||
'Jan is practicing his profession as a physician in a hospital.' |
b. | Als | (*een) | dokter | komt | Jan vaak | bij de mensen | thuis. | |
as | a | physician | comes | Jan often | with the people | at home | ||
'In his capacity of physician, Jan visits a lot of people at home.' |
c. | Jan is benoemd | tot/als | (*een) | hoogleraar in de taalkunde. | |
Jan is appointed | as | a | professor in the linguistics | ||
'Jan is appointed as professor in linguistics.' |
d. | Jan studeert | voor | (*een) | leraar. | |
Jan studies | for | a | teacher | ||
'Jan is studying to become a teacher.' |
This does not mean that examples such as (109a') are ungrammatical. However, if an indefinite article is present, the noun phrase loses its “profession” reading, and the example can only be used in a metaphorical sense: example (109a') means that Jan drives very fast. This metaphorical use of als-phrases is very productive, but always involves a noun phrase introduced by an indefinite article; cf. (109b&c).
a. | Jan rijdt | als autocoureur (voor Porsche). | |
Jan drives | as a racing.driver for Porsche | ||
'Jan is employed (by Porsche) as a racing driver.' |
a'. | Jan rijdt | als | een autocoureur. | |
Jan drives | like | a racing.driver |
b. | Jan hijgt | als | *(een) | werkpaard. | |
Jan pants | like | a | workhorse |
c. | Jan rookt | als | *(een) | schoorsteen. | |
Jan smokes | like | a | chimney |
All examples so far involve nouns denoting +human entities. It is therefore useful to show that inanimate noun phrases can sometimes also be used in article-less constructions, both in the copular construction and as the complement of als. This is illustrated in (110).
a. | Dit zinsdeel | is | (het) | onderwerp van de zin. | |
this constituent | is | the | subject of the clause |
b. | Dit zinsdeel | fungeert | als | (het) | onderwerp van de zin. | |
this constituent | functions | as | the | subject of the clause |
Like its article-less counterpart, the definite nominal predicate in (104b), Hij is de dokter'He is the physician', has the objective “professional” reading as a profession or social function. As usual, the semantic contribution of the definite article is that of uniqueness in the domain of discourse; example (104b) can be used in contexts in which there is an implicit institution or social unit (say, a neighborhood or a hospital) in which the referent of the subject can be uniquely identified by means of the nominal predicate: “He is the doctor in this village”. Examples like these are usable also in a play-script kind of context: “He is the actor that plays the doctor in this play”. The definite article is obligatory if the noun phrase contains a superlative or some other element that implies that the noun phrase has unique reference.
a. | Jan is de/*een/*Ø | knapste | dokter. | |
Jan is the/a/Ø | most.handsome/skilled | physician | ||
'Jan is the most handsome/skilled physician.' |
b. | Jan was de/*een/*Ø | eerste | dokter | |
Jan was the/a/Ø | first | physician |
No statement about the professional occupation of the subject need be implied by the indefinite nominal predicate in (104c), Hij is een dokter “He is a physician’. In this example, the predicate can also be interpreted subjectively and express that, in the eyes of the speaker, the subject behaves like a doctor or shows features in his behavior which typify doctors (e.g., wearing a white coat all the time, or using lots of Latinate medical terms). The difference can be made clearer by considering example (112), which involves the verb lijken'to seem', and in which the modal particle wel emphasizes the fact that the addressee is not really a schoolmaster but only resembles one.
Je | lijkt | wel | *(een) | schoolmeester | als | je | zo | praat. | ||
you | seem | prt | a | schoolmaster | when | you | like.that | talk | ||
'You resemble a schoolmaster when you talk like that.' |
That nominal predicates preceded by an indefinite article may be of an inherent subjective/evaluative or metaphorical nature is also supported by the fact that examples such as (113a) can be used as an insult comparable to the one in (113b). Interestingly, the primeless examples alternate with the constructions in the primed examples, which feature a bare noun phrase acting as the antecedent of relative pronoun that functions as a predicate in the relative clause.
a. | Je | bent | een vervelende schoolmeester! | |
you | are | a tedious schoolmaster |
a'. | Vervelende schoolmeester, | die/dat | je | bent! | |
tedious schoolmaster | that | you | are |
b. | Je bent | een grote klootzak! | |
you are | a big scrotum | ||
'Youʼre a big bastard!' |
b'. | Grote klootzak | die/dat | je | bent! | |
big scrotum | that | you | are |
The primed examples pose several questions. First, it is unclear why the bare noun phrase does not receive the objective, professional reading discussed in Subsection I. Second, it is not clear why the bare noun phrase can function as the antecedent of the relative clause given that the indefinite article in the primeless examples is obligatory. Third, it is not clear why the relative pronoun can be die, which normally cannot function as the predicate of a relative clause. Finally, the relative clause is omissible. We will not attempt to address these questions here, but leave them to future research.
The interpretation of a nominal predicate that is part of a supplementive als-phrase also depends on the presence or absence of the indefinite article; cf. Van den Torn (1981: 50). In (114a), the bare NP must be construed under the “profession” reading, whereas (114a') instead expresses that Janʼs talking resembles the speech of a vicar; see also the discussion of example (109). Example (114b) expresses that Marie lived in lodgings when she was a student, whereas (114b') just compares Marieʼs mode of housing to that of a student.
a. | Jan spreekt | als | dominee. | |
Jan speaks | as | vicar | ||
'Jan speaks in his capacity of vicar.' |
a'. | Jan spreekt | als een dominee. | |
Jan speaks | as a vicar | ||
'Jan talks like a vicar.' |
b. | Als student | woonde | Marie | op kamers. | |
as student | lived | Marie | on rooms | ||
'As a student Marie lived in lodgings.' |
b'. | Als een student | woonde | Marie | op kamers. | |
as a student | lived | Marie | on rooms | ||
'Like a student Marie lived in lodgings.' |
To conclude this subsection, it might be interesting to point out that the interpretation of the definite genitival nominal predicate in (115a) comes relatively close to examples with an indefinite noun phrase in that it denotes a set of typical properties of a certain real-world entity. It is different, however, in that it need not denote a profession and requires that the subject be a noun phrase denoting certain behavior (or a pronoun that takes such a noun phrase as its antecedent). By far the most conspicuous feature is the “mock archaic” use of genitive case: the genitive determiner des, which was originally the masculine or neuter article, is now also used with feminine/plural noun phrases, as in (115b&c), and with proper nouns like Ajax, as in (115d). For more discussion and representative examples, see onzetaal.nl/taaladvies/advies/des-vrouws and, especially, Hoeksema (1998) .
a. | Dat | is des kinds. | |
that | is the childgen | ||
'Thatʼs how children are.' |
b. | Ontrouw | is | des | vrouw/des mensen(s). | |
infidelity | is | themasc,gen | womangen/person | ||
'Infidelity is a typical female trait.' |
c. | IJdelheid | is | des | vrouws/des mensen(s). | |
vanity | is | themasc,gen | womangen/person | ||
'Vanity is a typical human trait.' |
d. | Verdedigen | is niet | des | Ajax. | |
to defend | is not | themasc,gen | Ajax | ||
'A defensive attitude is not typical for Ajax.' |
There are a number of ways in which the three types of nominal predicates discussed in the previous subsections exhibit different syntactic behaviors, which are related to their semantic properties. Here we will discuss some without claiming that we are discussing the differences exhaustively.
To bare dokter in (104a) can readily be added van beroep'by profession', as seen in (116a), whereas it is impossible to add van beroep to the nominal predicates in (104b&c). This suggests that only (104a) inherently expresses an occupation.
a. | Jan is dokter | van beroep. | |
Jan is physician | by profession |
b. | * | Jan is de dokter | van beroep. |
Jan is the physician | by profession |
c. | * | Jan is een dokter | van beroep. |
Jan is a physician | by profession |
The (a)-examples in (117) show that a bare nominal predicate can also be used as the logical subjectof a second-order predicate headed by beroep'profession'. It is impossible, however, to use nominal predicates preceded by a definite or indefinite article as the subject of such a predicate; cf. examples (117b&c). Again, this suggests that only bare nouns inherently express an occupation.
a. | Dokter | is een mooi beroep. | |
physician | is a nice profession |
a'. | Ik | vind | dokter | een mooi beroep. | |
I | consider | physician | a nice profession |
b. | * | De dokter | is een mooi beroep. |
the physician | is a nice profession |
c. | * | Een dokter | is een mooi beroep. |
a physician | is a nice profession |
The examples in (86) have shown that nominal predicates and the noun phrases they are predicated of normally agree in number. The examples in (118b&c) show that this also holds for the indefinite and definite predicative noun phrases in (104b&c). Example (118a), however, shows that the bare noun phrase in (104a) does not exhibit plural morphology when its subject is plural.
a. | Zij | zijn ➶ | dokter. | bare NP | |
they | are | physicians | |||
'They are physicians (by profession).' |
b. | Zij | zijn | de doktoren. | definite article | |
they | are | the physicians | |||
'They are the physicians.' |
c. | Zij | zijn ∅ | doktoren. | indefinite article | |
they | are | physicians | |||
'They behave like/have features typical of real physicians.' |
One problem, however, is that we cannot be absolutely sure whether number agreement is impossible with bare nominal predicates. This is due to the fact that the plural indefinite article is phonetically empty, so that the only difference between (118a) and (118c) is the rising intonation contour in the former. Fortunately, the earlier findings in (116) and (117) can be used as additional support for the conclusion that the bare noun phrase cannot be plural. As we have seen in (116), the bare noun phrase dokter, but not the indefinite noun phrase een dokter, can be modified by the PP van beroep. As is shown in (119a), the plural noun phrase doktoren cannot be modified by this PP either, so we may conclude that the plural noun phrase contains the indefinite zero article ∅. Similarly, we have seen that the bare noun phrase dokter, but not the indefinite noun phrase een dokter, can be used as the subjectof anominalpredicate headed by beroep'profession'. Since the plural noun phrase doktoren cannot be used in (119b), we again conclude that the plural noun phrase contains the article ∅. From, this we can safely conclude that the bare noun phrase dokter does not have a plural counterpart.
a. | Zij | zijn | dokter/??doktoren | van beroep. | |
they | are | physician(s) | by profession |
b. | * | Doktoren | is/zijn | een mooi beroep. |
physicians | is/are | a nice profession |
The examples in (120a) show that the bare noun phrase dokter cannot be modified by the adjective echt'real/true', whereas this is possible in the other two examples. In (120b), echte is used to distinguish the genuine doctor from the quacks surrounding him. The semantic import of echte in (120c) depends on whether accent is assigned to the adjective or to the noun. In the first case, the semantic contribution of echt is similar to echt in (120b): Jan is not a quack. In the latter case, it enhances the “subjective” interpretation of the predicative noun phrase: Jan truly behaves like a doctor.
a. | * | Jan is echte dokter. |
Jan is real physician |
b. | Jan is de echte dokter. | |
Jan is the real physician | ||
'Jan is the real physician (and not one of the quacks).' |
c. | Jan is een echte dokter. | |
Jan is a real physician | ||
'Jan really is a true doctor/behaves like a true physician.' |
The ungrammaticality of (120a) seems to confirm our earlier conclusion drawn from the examples in (105) that bare nominal predicates have an “objective” interpretation. In order to maintain this conclusion, we have to show, however, that the ungrammaticality of (120a) is not the result of some general restriction on modification of bare nominal predicates, but results from the fact that the bare noun phrase resists only modification of a certain type. That there is a selective restriction on modification is clear from the difference in grammaticality between (121) and (122). The difference lies in the semantic contribution made by the modifiers in question; modification of the type denoted by the predicate nominal is possible, whereas modification of specific tokens who have this function is not. It should be noted, however, that the collocations in (122) border on compounding.
a. | Jan is dokter | (*met grote vakkennis). | |
Jan is physician | with great professional knowledge |
b. | Jan is dokter | (*die goed voor zijn patiënten zorgt). | |
Jan is physician | who well for his patients cares |
a. | Jan is gediplomeerd | dokter. | |
Jan is diploma.bearing | physician |
b. | Jan is doctor in de medische wetenschappen. | |
Jan is doctor in the medical sciences |
Complementives are normally placed left-adjacent to the verbs in clause-final position, and cannot be scrambled to the left of clausal adverbs like waarschijnlijk'probably' or natuurlijk'of course'. This also holds for the predicative noun phrases in (123a&c), which cannot occur in any other position in the middle field of the clause than the one indicated.
a. | dat | hij | <*leraar> | waarschijnlijk <leraar> | wordt. | |
that | he | teacher | probably | become | ||
'that heʼll probably become a teacher.' |
b. | dat | hij | <*de leraar> | waarschijnlijk <de leraar> | is. | |
that | he | the teacher | probably | is | ||
'that he probably is the teacher.' |
c. | dat | hij | <*een schoolfrik> | natuurlijk <een schoolfrik> | is. | |
that | he | a pedant.schoolmaster | of course | is | ||
'that he of course behaves like a pedant schoolmaster.' |
It seems, however, that the definite noun phrases behave differently with respect to the negative adverb niet: whereas, e.g., adjectival complementives must follow this adverb, as shown in (124a), the (b)-examples in (124) show that definite predicative noun phrases may occur on either side of it. The interpretation is similar to that with direct objects: if the noun phrase follows niet, we are dealing with constituent negation; if the noun phrase precedes niet, we are dealing with sentential negation.
a. | dat | Jan <*aardig> | niet <aardig> | is. | |
that | Jan nice | not | is |
b. | dat | Jan niet | de directeur | is | (maar | de eigenaar). | |
that | Jan not | the director | is | but | the owner |
b'. | dat | Jan de directeur | niet | is. | |
that | Jan the director | not | is | ||
'that Jan isnʼt the manager.' |
It is less clear whether the placement of definite predicative noun phrases is also more free with other adverbs that normally follow the clausal adverbs: placement of the definite predicative noun phrase in (125b) in front of al'already' gives rise to a much better result than movement of the nominal predicate in (125a&c), but it still seems marked compared to its placement left-adjacent to the verb cluster.
a. | Jan heeft | altijd | <*directeur> | al | <directeur> | willen zijn. | |
Jan has | always | director | already | want be |
b. | Jan heeft | altijd | <?de directeur> | al | <de directeur> | willen zijn. | |
Jan has | always | the director | already | want be |
c. | Jan heeft | altijd | <*een directeur> | al | <een directeur> | willen zijn. | |
Jan has | always | a director | already | want be |
- 1997Algemene Nederlandse spraakkunstGroningenNijhoff
- 1998Een ondode kategorie: de genitiefTabu28162-167
- 1981Nederlandse grammaticaGroningenWolters-Noordhoff: 7th, revised edition