- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section discusses some examples that seemingly constitute cases of the partitive genitive construction. We start with a discussion of examples such as iets anders'something else', as in Ik bedoelde iets anders'I meant something else', which is followed by a discussion of iets dergelijks'something similar'.
This subsection shows that examples such as iets anders behave rather differently from regular partitive genitive constructions. Although ander in example (121a) has a demonstrative meaning, the fact that it can be used in attributive position with the attributive -e ending suggests that it is an adjective. The adjective ander cannot be used in predicative position, but there is a slightly different form that can occur there, namely anders. Given the possibility of anders in (121b), there is no a priori reason for assuming that (121c) is not a partitive genitive construction.
a. | de | andere | problemen | |
the | other/different | problems |
b. | Dit probleem | is | anders/*ander. | |
this problem | is | different |
c. | iets | anders | |
something | else/different |
There are, however, at least three reasons for assuming that (121c) is not an instance of the partitive genitive construction.
Unlike regular (non-modified) partitive genitive adjectives, anders can only be preceded by quantificational pronouns like iets/wat'something' or niets'nothing': quantifier noun phrases and numerals are excluded, and the wat voor construction does not arise either.
a. | iets/niets | anders | |
something/nothing | else |
a'. | iets/niets | interessants | |
something/nothing | interesting |
b. | * | een heleboel | anders |
a lot of | different |
b'. | een heleboel | interessants | |
a lot of | interesting |
c. | * | veel | anders |
much | different |
c'. | veel | interessants | |
much | interesting |
d. | * | wat | voor | anders |
what | for | different |
d'. | wat | voor | interessants | |
what | for | interesting |
For completeness’ sake, note that the more or less fixed expression in (123a) with the negative pronoun niets'nothing' is somewhat special in this respect in that the quantifiers veel'much' and weinig'little' may occur as well. Example (123b) shows that quantifier veel must be preceded by the negative marker niet'not'. The quantifier weinig in (123c) has the inherently negative meaning “not much" and cannot be preceded by niet, given that this would cancel this inherent negation.
a. | Er | zit | niets anders | op. | |
there | sits | nothing else | prt. | ||
'There is no alternative.' |
b. | Er | zit | *(niet) | veel | anders | op. | |
there | sits | not | much | else | prt. | ||
'There is hardly any alternative.' |
c. | Er | zit | (*niet) | weinig | anders | op. | |
there | sits | not | little | else | prt. | ||
'There is hardly any alternative.' |
Anders also differs from the partitive genitives in that it can co-occur with the +animate quantificational pronouns iemand'someone' and niemand'no one'; cf. Section 7.2.3, sub I. In fact, this does not exhaust the possibilities, since it can also be combined with the place adverbs ergens'somewhere' and nergens'nowhere', which do not occur in the partitive genitive construction either.
a. | (n)iemand | anders | |
someone/nobody | else |
a'. | * | (n)iemand | interessants |
someone/nobody | interesting |
b. | (n)ergens | anders | |
somewhere/nowhere | else |
b'. | * | (n)ergens | interessants |
somewhere/nowhere | interesting |
If the -animate pronoun (n)iets occurs as the complement of a preposition, R-pronominalization is possible and sometimes even preferred. The two alternative realizations are given in (125).
a. | (?) | We | hebben | over | (n)iets | gepraat. |
we | have | about | something/nothing | talked | ||
'We have alked about something/nothing.' |
b. | We | hebben | (n)ergens | over | gepraat. | |
we | have | r-pronoun | about | talked | ||
'We have talked about something/nothing.' |
The examples in (126) show that the phrase (n)iets anders behaves completely on a par with the quantificational pronoun.
a. | We | hebben | over (n)iets | anders | gepraat. | |
we | have | about something/nothing | else | talked | ||
'We have talked about something/nothing else.' |
b. | We | hebben | (n)ergens | anders | over | gepraat. | |
we | have | r-pronoun | else | about | talked | ||
'We have talked about something/nothing else.' |
The acceptability of (126b) is quite remarkable given that R-pronominalization is normally excluded if the pronoun following the preposition is part of a larger phrase. This is illustrated in (127) for cases in which the preposition is followed by a partitive genitive construction.
a. | We | hebben | over (n)iets | interessants | gepraat. | |
we | have | about something/nothing | interesting | talked | ||
'We have talked about something/nothing interesting.' |
b. | * | We | hebben | (n)ergens | interessants | over | gepraat. |
we | have | r-pronoun | interesting | about | talked |
The contrast between (126b) and (127b) again suggests that the phrase (n)iets anders is not a partitive genitive construction.
The construction iets anders can be modified by means of the intensifier heel'completely'. The primeless examples in (128) show that this modifier can be placed either after or before the quantificational pronoun iets without a clear difference in meaning. The topicalization construction in (128a'), which requires contrastive accent due to the fact that the phrase iets anders is indefinite, shows that the string heel iets anders behaves as a single constituent; cf. the constituency test. Note that heel can be replaced by the near-synonymous adjective totaal'completely', but we will not illustrate this here.
a. | Ik | heb | heel | iets | anders | gehoord. | |
I | have | completely | something | else | heard | ||
'I heard something completely different.' |
a'. | Heel iets anders heb ik gehoord. |
b. | Ik heb iets heel anders gehoord. |
The pronoun iets normally alternates with wat, and, at first sight, the examples in (129) suggest that this is also possible here, but we will see that there are at least two small differences between the two sets of examples in (128) and (129).
a. | Ik | heb | heel | wat | anders | gehoord. | |
I | have | completely | something | else | heard | ||
'I heard something completely different.' |
b. | ?? | Ik heb wat heel anders gehoord. |
First, the (a)-examples with pre-pronominal heel differ in meaning. Although (128a) and (129a) can both be construed with the modifier heel as a degree modifier of the adjective anders as “something quite different", example (129a) allows an additional reading in which heel is a modifier of the quantificational pronoun “quite a lot of different things". The fact that heel cannot be construed with iets in (128a) is of course related to the fact that the same difference arises if the pronouns iets and wat are used as independent arguments: heel wat/*iets'quite a lot'. Second, example (128b) with iets is fully grammatical, whereas the similar construction with wat in (129b) seems to yield a somewhat poor result (although examples like these can be readily found on the internet). The contrast is perhaps somewhat sharper if the noun phrase is used as a subject: a Google search (May 2009) on the string [er stond iets heel anders] resulted in 12 hits, whereas there was just one case of the corresponding string with wat.
a. | Er | stond | iets | heel anders | in de krant. | |
there | stood | something | completely different | in the newspaper | ||
'Something totally different was said in the newspaper.' |
b. | *? | Er stond wat heel anders in de krant. |
The conclusion that pre-pronominal heel can be construed with wat but not with iets also accounts for the contrast in (131). Example (131a), in which wat is both preceded and followed by heel, is at least marginally possible provided that the first occurrence of heel is construed as a modifier of the nominal part and the second one as a modifier of anders. Example (131b), on the other hand, is unacceptable since the first occurrence of heel cannot be construed with iets and must therefore (redundantly) be interpreted as a modifier of anders.
a. | ?? | Ik | heb | heel | wat | heel | anders | gehoord. |
I | have | all | something | all | different | heard | ||
'I heard quite a lot of quite different stuff.' |
b. | * | Ik heb heel iets | heel anders gehoord. |
The main finding for our present discussion is that the pre-pronominal modifier heel is able to modify the adjectival part anders. We can now show that the partitive genitive constructions behave quite differently in this respect. Consider the examples in (132) and observe that while (132a) is fine with or without heel, (132b) is only acceptable without heel. The deviance of (132b) with heel suggests that the partitive genitive following the pronoun cannot be modified by pre-pronominal heel. This is also supported by the fact that (132a) only has a reading in which heel is construed as a quantifier of wat. In order to construe heel as a degree modifier of the adjective, it must be placed to the right of the pronoun, as in (132c).
a. | Ik | heb | heel | wat | interessants | gehoord. | |
I | have | all | something | interesting | heard | ||
'I heard quite a lot of interesting things.' |
b. | * | Ik | heb | heel | iets | interessants | gehoord. |
I | have | all | something | interesting | heard |
c. | Ik | heb | wat/iets | heel | interessants | gehoord. | |
I | have | something | quite | interesting | heard | ||
'I heard something very interesting.' |
For completeness’ sake, the examples in (133) show that in the case of iemand and ergens, the modifier heel must immediately precede the noun.
a. | Ik | bedoel | <heel> | iemand <*heel> | anders. | |
I | mean | completely | someone | different |
b. | Ik | woon | <heel> | ergens <*heel> | anders. | |
I | live | completely | somewhere | different |
Note, finally, that the same thing holds if ergens arises as the result of Preposition Stranding: whereas heel may either precede or follow iets in (134a), it must precede ergens in (134b).
a. | We hebben | over | <heel> | iets <heel> | anders | gepraat. | |
we have | about | completely | something | different | talked | ||
'We talked about something completely different.' |
b. | We hebben | <heel> | ergens <*heel> | anders | over | gepraat. | |
we have | completely | something | different | about | talked | ||
'We talked about something completely different.' |
The examples in (135) with the adjectives dergelijk/soortgelijk'similar' might be considered the antonyms of anders, which was discussed in the previous subsection. Like anders, the nominal part of the construction must be a quantificational pronoun; combining them with the other nominal elements found in the partitive genitive construction leads to ungrammaticality.
a. | iets | soortgelijks/dergelijks | |
something | similar |
c. | * | veel | soortgelijks/dergelijks |
much | similar |
b. | * | een boel | soortgelijks/dergelijks |
a lot of | similar |
d. | * | wat voor | soortgelijks/dergelijks |
what sort of | similar |
However, the adjectives dergelijk and soortgelijk differ from anders in at least three respects. First, these adjectives can be used in attributive position, but not in predicative position, either with or without an -s ending. See (121) for the corresponding examples with anders.
a. | een | soortgelijk/dergelijk | probleem | |
a | similar | problem |
b. | * | Dit probleem is soortgelijk(s)/dergelijk(s). |
Second, they differ from anders in that they cannot be combined with the negative -human pronoun niets'nothing', the +human pronoun (n)iemand or the indefinite place adverb (n)ergens. This is illustrated in (137).
a. | * | niets | soortgelijks/dergelijks |
nothing | similar |
b. | * | (n)iemand | soortgelijks/dergelijks |
someone/no one | similar |
c. | * | (n)ergens | soortgelijks/dergelijks |
somewhere/nowhere | similar |
Finally, it can be noted that Preposition Stranding is not possible with these constructions.
a. | We | hebben | over iets | soortgelijks/dergelijks | gepraat. | |
we | have | about something | similar | talked | ||
'We talked about something/nothing similar.' |
b. | * | We | hebben | ergens | soortgelijks/dergelijks | over | gepraat. |
we | have | r-pronoun | similar | about | talked |
The fact that dergelijk and soortgelijk differ from anders in the ways indicated above may lead to the idea that the examples in (135a) are genuine cases of the partitive genitive construction, which would constitute a potential problem for the hypothesis that partitive genitive adjectives are always set-denoting. The fact that the examples in (135b-d) are unacceptable can, however, be given as evidence against this idea.