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Words consisting of two adjectives can be divided in different types. First, we have the conventional endocentric compounds, with the second member as the head and the first member as the modifier. An example is donkergrien [[donker](A)[grien](A)](A) dark-green, which is a kind of green. Secondly, there are compounds of the coordinate type, like read-grien red-green, which refers to something that is both red and green. Next, we have combinations which have been the result of univerbation. These particularly, but not exclusively, consist of a second member that has been converted from a participle. The adjective heechsteand high-standing high-minded is an example. Finally, we also have a few elative compounds, where the first adjective has the function of intensifying the second one.

Endocentric compounds
Coordinate compounds
Univerbation
Elative AA-compounds

[+]Endocentric compounds

Examples of endocentric compounds of the format AA are given in the table below:

Table 1

first constituent (A)	second constituent (A)	compound (AA)
ier early	ryp ripe	ierryp precocious
stil silent	deunsk in heat	stildeunsk in heat without noticeable signs
heal half	gear done	healgear half-done
wiid wide	ferneamd famed	wiidferneamd far-famed
ljocht light	blau blue	ljochtblau light-blue
blij happy	read red	blijread clear-red
donker dark	grien green	donkergrien dark-green

These compounds follow the endocentric pattern, with the second member as the head and the first member functioning as modifier. For example, donkergrien dark-green is a kind of green.

The stress in these compounds is on the second member, i.e. donkergrien dark-green. However, if used attributively, stress is placed on the first one: it donkergriene blêd the dark-green-INFL leaf the dark-green leaf, as a result of stress retraction.

[+]Coordinate compounds

Since there are also coordinate NN compounds, we can find coordinate compounds of the AA format. In fact, we have a productive pattern here. Examples are read-grien red-green, Frysk-Hollânsk Frisian-Dutch and manysk-depressyf manic-depressive. The semantics is coordinative. For example, in read-grien boesgroentsje is a boesgroentsje blouse which is both read en grien red and green. This is to be distinguished from an endocentric compound readgrien as in in readgrien boesgroentsje, where the blouse has a reddish green color.

The main stress is on the second member, however with a strong secondary stress on the first one. However, if the coordinate adjective is in attributive position, then the stress shifts to the first member, as a result of stress retraction. Compare de pasjint is manysk-depressyf the patient is manic-depressive with de manysk-depressive pasjint the manic-depressive patient.

As is the case with their nominal siblings, coordinate AA compounds are spelled with a hyphen between both members.

Parallel with coordinate NN compounds, extension with more members is possible: read-wyt-blau red-white-blue. Inflection is always on the end of the compound, as in de read-wyt-blauwe flage the red-white-blue-INFL flag the red-white-blue flag. Coordinate compounds may also take the modifier position of another compound: it read-grienrútsjese boesgroentsje the red-green-checked blouse.

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Bi-adjectival expressions

Since there are binomial expressions, Frisian also has more or less fixed combinations of two adjectives which could be called bi-adjectival expressions. They resemble coordinate AA compounds, but show an explicit conjunction, usually en and, although other coordinate conjunctions are not excluded. Some examples are given below:

bûnt en blau

black and blue

koart en klien

smashed to pieces

heech en dreech

high and dry

hyt noch kâld

hot nor cold

lyts mar krigel

small but touchy

With colour terms, the conjunction can also be replaced by the preposition mei with, however with a slightly different semantics. In read mei blau red with blue, the main colour is red, with blue being less prominent. This implication is absent in the expression read en blau.

As with coordinate compounds, the adjectival inflection occurs on the second part, for example de bûnt en blauwe earm the bruised arm or it lyts mar krigele famke the small but touchy girl.

[+]Univerbation

Another category of AA formations consist of combinations of an adjective and a present or past participle of a verb. Examples are given in the table below:

Table 2

first constituent (A)	second constituent (A as present or past participle)	univerbation (AA)
wiid wide	fiemjend fathoming	wiidfiemjend comprehensive
frij free	bliuwend lasting	frijbliuwend free of obligations
heech high	steand standing	heechsteand high-minded
sels self	rizend raising	selsrizend self-raising
sêft soft	sean cooked	sêftsean soft-boiled
heech high	achte respected	heechachte highly esteemed
niis just	neamd mentioned	niisneamd just mentioned
nea never	tocht thought	neatocht never thought
leech empty	dronken drunk	leechdronken emptied (of a bottle)

Such formations can best be analysed as combinations of two adjectives, in which the second member must be seen as a result of conversion from a verb. They are therefore subsumed under the AA pattern, rather than under AV. The reason is that they only show participial forms; complex verbs as *selsrize or *neatinke do not exist.

In all likelihood, the formations above are univerbations. Some of them are on their way to a status of a genuine compound. The comparative form might signal how far the process has gone. The comparative of sêftsean soft-boiled, for example, is sêfter sean softer boiled, and never *sêftseaner, which points into a relatively independent status of the adjective sêft. In frijbliuwend free of obligations the opposite pattern can be seen; it is never *frijer bliuwend, but frijbliuwender more free of obligations. In other formations, both forms may occur. For example, wiidfiemjend comprehensive can both have wider fiemjend more comprehensive and wiidfiemjender more comprehensive as its comparative form. Possibly, stress is a signal as well. In frijbliuwend it is not on the first, but on the second member, where the other examples have it on the first one.

It is not always feasible to analyse these combinations of adjective and participle as a result of univerbation, however. This is particularly the case with the adjectives nij new and eigen own in expressions like de nijseane jirpels the freshly-boiled potatoes or in eigenbreide trui a self-knitted jersey, where the adjectives show deviating meanings and for that reason had better be considered as prefixoids. For discussion, see the topic on eigen- and nij- in the part on prefixation.

[+]Elative AA-compounds

Although marginally, some AA-formations can be classified as elative compounds. Here, the left-hand member just has an intensifying function. The adjectives gleon glowing and dea dead in particular are popular in acting as the intensifying first member. Here are some examples.

Table 3

first member (A)	second member (A)	elative compound (AA)
wyld wild	frjemd strange	wyldfrjemd completely strange
rein clean	ferlegen in need for	reinferlegen urgently in need for
gleon glowing	hjit hot	gleonhjit red-hot
gleon glowing	read red	gleonread crimson
gleon glowing	hastich hasty	gleonhastich in quite a hurry
gleon glowing	lilk angry	gleonlilk extremely angry
dea dead	wurch tired	deawurch dead-tired
dea dead	gewoan common	deagewoan quite common
dea dead	stil silent	deastil deathly quiet
dea dead	goed good	deagoed good to a fault

A synonym of deawurch deadly tired is deaôf. Formally, this looks to be an instance of the pattern AdvP, but following (Veen 1984-2011) s.v. ôf, II, 2, the postposition ôf can probably best be analysed as an adjective here (albeit only used predicatively). The adjective dea dead is also somewhat problematic here, as it is homophonous with the noun dea death, so it is quite possible that (some of) these forms could be interpreted as NA compounds as well.

It is not only adjectives that can act as first member of elative compounds; nouns and verbs can have an intensifying function as well.

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Literature

This topic is mainly based on Hoekstra (1998), the pages 32 for coordinate compounds, 33-34 for bi-adjectival expressions and 56 for univerbations. For the latter, see also Hoekstra (1991). On functional grounds, Hoekstra (1998) classifies the elative compounds as cases of prefixation, because of the intensifying property of the first member. A discussion can be found on the pages 75-76.

References

Hoekstra, Jarich1991Nijmakke en eigenoanretFriesch Dagblad21-09Taalsnipels 201
Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
Veen, Klaas F. van der et al1984-2011Wurdboek fan de Fryske taal - Woordenboek der Friese taalFryske Akademy

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About this article

Author(s): Siebren Dyk, Joke Weening

Category: Frisian Morphology

Keywords: comparativecompoundendocentricstressuniverbation

Version: 1.0, December 2023

Version history:

version	editor(s)	date	remarks
1.0	Siebren Dyk	December 2023

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