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Constraints on extraposition
quickinfo

The middle field of a clause, i.e. the constituents located between the clause-initial verb (CI) and clause-final verbs (VF), may contain elements from a functional domain, such as natuurlik naturally, and elements from a lexical domain, such as op die asbaan on the cinder track, in (1a). These domains are separated sequentially by an attitudinal adverbial, such as graag gladly. As a rule, only constituents from the lexical domain, such as op die asbaan, as in (1a), can be extraposed to the postverbal field (PV), where they still remain fully integrated with the clause. Constituents in the functional domain, such as natuurlik in (1a), can also be positioned to the right of the clause, but then through a process of right dislocation and often preceded by an intonational break. Instances of extraposition are easily recognisable in Afrikaans by their positioning relative to the final nie in clauses (or complex sentences). Therefore, since final nie signals the limit of negative polarity, extraposed op die asbaan precedes final nie, as in (1b), while right-dislocated natuurlik follows nie, as in (1c).

Example 1

a. Die atleet sal natuurlik graag op die asbaan wil hardloop.
the athlete will.AUX.MOD naturally gladly on the cinder.track want.to.AUX.MOD run.INF
Naturally, the athlete would like to run on the cinder track.
b. Die atleet sal nie graag wil hardloop op die ander baan nie.
the athlete will.AUX.MOD not gladly want.to.AUX.MOD run on the other track PTCL.NEG
The athlete would not like to run on the other track.
c. Die atleet sal nie graag wil hardloop nie, natuurlik.
the athlete will.AUX.MOD not gladly want.to.AUX.MOD run.INF PTCL.NEG naturally
The athlete would not like to run, naturally.

Constituents differ in the extent to which they are amenable to extraposition, or perhaps to be positioned in MF at all.

Adverbial PPs from the lexical domain, such as locational and temporal phrases, are readily extraposed, as in (2).

Example 2

Wouter het nie graag gewerk in die buiteland nie.
Wouter have.AUX not gladly work.PST.PTCP in the out.land PTCL.NEG
Wouter didn't like to work overseas.

By contrast, a causal phrase such as as gevolg van 'n ander afspraak as a result of another appointment, is readily right-dislocated.

Example 3

Annette kon nie kom nie, as gevolg van 'n ander afspraak.
Annette can.AUX.MOD.PRT not come.INF PTCL.NEG as result of an other appointment
Annette could not come, as a result of another appointment.

Manner adverbs, such as vinnig fast in (4a), and non-clausal arguments, such as Venisië Venice in (4b), are not generally extraposed.

Example 4

a. *Wouter het destyds gehardloop vinnig.
Wouter have.AUX at.the.time run.PST.PTCP fast
To mean: Wouter ran fast, at the time.
b. *Annette sal môre sien Venisië.
Annette will.AUX.MOD tomorrow see.INF Venice
To mean: Annette will see Venice tomorrow.

Adverbial NPs, such as volgende jaar next year, do undergo extraposition.

Example 5

Wouter wil Wene toe gaan volgende jaar.
Wouter want.to.AUX.MOD Vienna to.POSTP go next year
Wouter wants to go to Vienna next year.

Adverbial clauses, such as the temporal clause toe sy nog jonk was when she was still young, do occur in MF, with possible intonational breaks before and after as in (6a), but are more typically extraposed, as in (6b).

Example 6

a. Annette het, toe sy nog jonk was, blomme gekweek.
Annette have.AUX when.CNJ she still young be.PRT flowers grow.PST.PTCP
Annette, when she was still young, grew flowers.
b. Annette het blomme gekweek toe sy nog jonk was.
Annette have.AUX flowers grow.PST.PTCP when.CNJ she still young be.PRT
Annette grew flowers when she was still young.

Conditional clauses, as in (7a), and purpose clauses, as in (7b), can also be extraposed.

Example 7

a. Jy sal niks ontvang indien jy nie betaal nie.
you will.AUX.MOD nothing receive.INF if.CNJ you not pay PTCL.NEG
You won't receive anything unless you pay up.
b. Sy het betaal sodat sy toegelaat kon word.
she have.AUX pay.PST.PTCP so.that.CNJ she allow.PST.PTCP can.AUX.MOD.PRT be.AUX.PASS.PRS
She paid so that she could be allowed.

Split extraposition is a situation in which one part of a constituent is extraposed while the other remains in MF, e.g. a relative clause and its antecedent, as in (8a), a PP-modifier, as in (8b), and a purpose clause, as in (8c).

Example 8

a. Die knoop het losgetrek wat Wouter gemaak het.
the knot have.AUX come.undone.PST.PTCP that.REL Wouter make.PST.PTCP have.AUX
The knot that Wouter had tied, came undone.
b. Annette was familie gewees van ons.
Annette be.PRT family be.PST.PTCP of us
Annette was related to us.
c. 'n Domkrag moet 'n ding wees om motors mee op te hys.
a jack must.AUX.MOD a thing be.INF for.COMP cars with up PTCL.INF lift.INF
A jack must be something (used) to lift up cars.

Certain sequences of components in MF are mirrored, i.e. occur in inverse order, in PV, as illustrated by the examples in (9).

Example 9

a. Wouter wil op Sondae in die park vliegtuigies laat vlieg.
Wouter wil [(MF) [(TEMP) op Sondae] [(LOC) in die park] vliegtuigies] [(VF) laat vlieg]
Wouter want.to.AUX.MOD on Sundays in the park model.aeroplanes let.LINK fly.INF
Wouter wants to fly model aeroplanes in the park on Sundays.
b. Wouter wil vliegtuigies laat vlieg in die park op Sondae.
Wouter wil vliegtuigies [(VF) laat vlieg] [(PV) [(LOC) in die park] [(TEMP) op Sondae]]
Wouter want.to.AUX.MOD model.aeroplanes let.LINK fly.INF in the park on Sundays
Wouter wants to fly model aeroplanes in the park on Sundays.
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[+]Prepositional adverbial phrases

It is hypothesised by Broekhuis et al. (2015:1563) that adverbial PPs can only be extraposed if they can be part of the lexical domain, namely to the right of clausal adverbs, including the negative.

Broekhuis et al. (2015, par. 12.4) describe various mechanisms which have been proposed as a description or explanation of extraposition.
This cannot be verified with reference to VP-topicalisation as in Dutch, since this kind of topicalisation is quite foreign to Afrikaans. Instead, it can be tested in Afrikaans by determining whether such a PP can precede the second negation, as the second nie marks the point to which the scope of clausal negation reaches. In example (10) we see that a locational PP such as in die tuin in the garden or a temporal PP such as op Maandae on Mondays occurring after the (first) negative nie and the attitudinal adverb graag gladly and therefore in the lexical domain, as in (10a), can be extraposed, as in (10ai), while the clause is strongly marked when these PPs are not included in the scope of negation, as in (10aii).

Example 10

a. Peter wil nie graag in die tuin / op Maandae werk nie.
Peter want.to.AUX.MOD not gladly in the garden / on Mondays work.INF PTCL.NEG
Peter wouldn't like to work in the garden / on Mondays.
a.' Peter wil nie graag werk in die tuin / op Maandae nie.
Peter want.to.AUX.MOD not gladly work.INF in the garden / on Mondays PTCL.NEG
Peter wouldn't like to work in the garden / on Mondays.
a.'' *Peter wil nie graag werk nie in die tuin / op Maandae.
Peter want.to.AUX.MOD not gladly work.INF PTCL.NEG in the garden / on Mondays
To mean: Peter wouldn't like to work in the garden / on Mondays.

This is generally to be expected in the case of temporal and locational phrases, but is also found with instrumental met phrases, as in (11a), and with the deur by phrase of the passive, as in (11b).

Example 11

a. Petro het nie dikwels op hierdie fiets gery nie.
Petro have.AUX not often on this bicycle ride.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
Petro didn't ride on this bicycle often.
a.' Petro het nie dikwels gery op hierdie fiets nie.
Petro have.AUX not often ride.PST.PTCP on this bicycle PTCL.NEG
Petro didn't ride on this bicycle often.
b. Hierdie taak kan nie eintlik deur robotte verrig word nie.
this job can.AUX.MOD not really by robots do.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS PTCL.NEG
This job can't really be done by robots.
b.' Hierdie taak kan nie eintlik verrig word deur robotte nie.
this job can.AUX.MOD not really do.PST.PTCP by robots PTCL.NEG
This job can't really be done by robots.

In contrast, a causal phrase such as as gevolg van haar siekte as a result of her illness or a conditional phrase such as ondanks sy siekte in spite of his illness, which belong to the functional domain of the verb and is therefore placed before the (first) negative and / or clausal adverb, are not extraposed and only occur after the second negative, as a right-dislocated constituent, as in (12ai) and (12bi), respectively. If the PPs were placed before the final negative, this would lead to a distorted interpretation, as suggested in (12aii) and (12bii).

Example 12

a. Petro kon as gevolg van haar siekte nie werk nie.
Petro can.AUX.MOD.PRT as result of her illness not work.INF PTCL.NEG
As a result of her illness, Petro could not work.
a.' Petro kon nie werk nie, as gevolg van haar siekte.
Petro can.AUX.MOD.PRT not work.INF PTCL.NEG as result of her illness
Petro could not work, as a result of her illness.
a.'' *Petro kon nie werk as gevolg van haar siekte nie.
Petro can.AUX.MOD.PRT not work.INF as result of her illness PTCL.NEG
Could be interpreted as: Petro, who usually works as a result of her illness, could not work.
b. Peter het ondanks sy siekte darem nie geloop nie.
Peter have.AUX in.spite.of his illness after.all not leave.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
In spite of his illness Peter didn't leave, after all.
b.' Peter het darem nie geloop nie, ondanks sy siekte.
Peter have.AUX after.all not leave.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG in.spite.of his illness
Peter didn't leave after all, in spite of his illness.
b.'' *Peter het darem nie ondanks sy siekte geloop nie.
Peter have.AUX after.all not in.spite.of his illness leave.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
Could be interpreted as: It wasn't, after all, in spite of his illness that Peter left.

In view of the differential behaviour of these PPs in regard to extraposition it seems likely that not all types of adverbial phrases are equally amenable to extraposition.

[+]Manner adverbials
Manner adverbials, which are usually derived from adjectival phrases, are as a rule not extraposed. This is evident from the fact that they do not fall within the post-verbal scope of negation. The adverbials in question are VP rather than clause adverbials, as can be seen from the fact that they occur after the clause adverbials tog after all and mos really, respectively.
Example 13

a. Peter het die afstand tog baie vinnig afgelê.
Peter have.AUX the distance after.all very fast cover.PST.PTCP
Peter covered the distance very quickly, after all.
a.' *Peter het tog nie die afstand afgelê baie vinnig nie.
Peter have.AUX after.all not the distance cover.PST.PTCP very fast PTCL.NEG
To mean: Peter didn't cover the distance very quickly, after all.
b. Petro het darem rustig aan haar projek gewerk.
Petro have.AUX really peacefully on her project work.PST.PTCP
Petro really worked peacefully at her project.
b.' *Petro het darem nie aan haar projek gewerk rustig nie.
Petro have.AUX really not on her project work.PST.PTCP peacefully PTCL.NEG
To mean: Petro didn't really work at her project peacefully, after all.
[+]Nominal adverbial phrases

Nouns or noun phrases, such as heeldag all day long, Sondae Sundays, verlede jaar last year and die hele jaar all the year round, which may be VP or clause adverbials, readily fall within the post-verbal scope of clausal negation and are therefore examples of extraposition, as illustrated by the examples in (14).

Example 14

a. Jan het <mos> heeldag / Sondae / verlede jaar / die hele jaar <mos> gholf gespeel.
Jan have.AUX <of.course> all.day.long / Sundays / last year / all.the.year.round <of.course> golf play.PST.PTCP
Jan of course played golf all day long / on Sundays / last year / all the year round.
b. Jan het mos nie gholf gespeel heeldag nie.
Jan have.AUX of.course not golf play.PST.PTCP all day long PTCL.NEG
Jan didn't of course play golf all day long.
[+]Adverbial clauses

Temporal and locational adverbial clauses may occur as parentheticals in MF after an intonation break, as in (15a) and (15b), respectively, but are usually extraposed since they remain within the scope of negation terminating in the final nie.

Example 15

a. Jan het <graag>, toe hy in die Kaap was, <graag> gaan seil.
Jan have.AUX <gladly> when.CNJ he in the Cape be.PRT <gladly> go.LINK sail.INF
Jan liked to go sailing when he was in the Cape.
a.' Jan het nie graag gaan seil toe hy in die Kaap was nie.
Jan have.AUX not gladly go.LINK sail.INF when.CNJ he in the Cape be.PRT PTCL.NEG
Jan didn't like to go sailing when he was in the Cape.
b. Janet sal <beslis>, waar sy ookal gaan, <beslis> vriende maak.
Janet will.AUX.MOD <definitely> where she ever go <definitely> friends make.INF
Janet will definitely make friends wherever she goes.
b.' Janet sal beslis nie vriende maak waar sy ookal gaan nie.
Janet will.AUX.MOD definitely not friends make.INF where she ever go PTCL.NEG
Janet will definitely not make friends wherever she goes.

In the saying As die kat weg is, is die muis baas If the cat's away the mice are at play, the conjunctionas may mean when or if, though the latter interpretation is probably the current one. In (16b) it is clear that the adverbial clause, which is positioned before final nie, can be extraposed whether it is temporal or conditional.

Example 16

a. Die muis sal <beslis> as die kat weg is, <beslis> baas wees.
the mouse will.AUX.MOD <definitely> if.CNJ the cat away is <definitely> master be.INF
If the cat is away the mouse will definitely be the master.
b. Die muis sal beslis nie baas wees as die kat daar is nie.
the mouse will.AUX.MOD definitely not master be.INF if.CNJ the cat there is PTCL.NEG
The mouse wil definitely not be the master if the cat is around.

In the following it is shown that an adverbial clause of purpose can be extraposed, as in (17ai) where it refers to the washing of the dishes, or right-dislocated as in (17bi), where it refers to belief about Jan's motivation.

Example 17

a. Jan het glo, sodat Janet dit moes doen, nie die skottelgoed gewas nie.
Jan have.AUX presumably so.that.CNJ Janet it must.AUX.MOD.PRT do.INF not the dishes wash.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
Jan presumably didn't wash the dishes, so that Janet had to do it.
a.' Jan het glo nie die skottelgoed gewas sodat Janet kon rus nie.
Jan have.AUX presumably not the dishes wash.PST.PTCP so.that.CNJ Janet can.AUX.MOD.PRT rest.INF PTCL.NEG
Jan presumably didn't wash the dishes so that Janet could rest.
b. Jan het, sodat Janet dit moes doen, glo nie die skottelgoed gewas nie.
Jan have.AUX so.that.CNJ Janet it must.AUX.MOD.PRT do.INF presumably not the dishes wash.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG
In order for Janet to have to do it, Jan presumably didn't wash the dishes.
b.' Jan het glo nie die skottelgoed gewas nie, sodat Janet dit moes doen.
Jan have.AUX presumably not the dishes wash.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG so.that.CNJ Janet it must.AUX.MOD.PRT do.INF
Jan presumably didn't wash the dishes, so that Janet had to do it.
[+]Split extraposition

Split extraposition is a construct in which part of a clausal constituent is located in PV, while the antecedent remains in CI (the clause-initial field) or MF. The antecedent could be a phrase, nominal constituent, etc., for example the clausal subject in (18a) and a postnominal modifier in (18b).

Example 18

a. Die plan was goed wat hy gemaak het.
the plan be.COP.PRT good which.REL he make.PST.PTCP have.AUX
The plan he made was good.
b. Hulle het op 'n bydrae besluit vir liefdadigheid.
they have.AUX on a contribution decide.PST.PTCP for charity
The decided on a contibution for charity.

Let us consider constructions which allow split extraposition, and then turn to constructions which do not readily allow splitting.

[+]Constituents allowing split extraposition

The following constituent types either occur together with their head or antecedent, or are separated through extraposition. Only the extraposed variant will be given.

Relative clause
In (19a) the antecedent is the clausal object, while in (19b) it is itself part of a PP.

Example 19

a. Rikus gaan die agent voorspring wat môre kom.
Rikus go.AUX.MOD the agent get.ahead.of.INF who.REL tomorrow come
Rikus is going to get ahead of the agent who is coming tomorrow.
b. Rika het in 'n bad geklim wat vol koue water was.
Rika have.AUX into a bath get.PST.PTCP that.REL full cold water was
Rika got into a bath that was full of cold water.

Complement clause

Example 20

Die kans is goed dat dit môre gaan reën.
the chance be.PRS good that.COMP it tomorrow go.AUX.MOD rain.INF
The chances are good that it is going to rain tomorrow.

PP-modifier

Example 21

Rika het van die prentjie gehou op die cappucino.
Rika have.AUX of the picture.DIM like.PST.PTCP on the cappucino
Rika liked the picture on the cappucino.

Circumpositional phrase

Example 22

Hulle het 'n tonnel ontdek onder die pad deur.
they have.AUX a tunnel discover.PST.PTCP under the road through.POSTP
They discovered a tunnel underneath the road.

Interrogative complement

Example 23

Rikus het Rika in die kantoor ontmoet waar hy werk.
Rikus have.AUX Rika in the office meet.PST.PTCP where he work
Rikus met Rika in the office where he works.

Temporal complement

Example 24

Rika het Rikus op die dag gesien toe hy verdwyn het.
Rika have.AUX Rikus on the day see.PST.PTCP when.CNJ he disappear.PST.PTCP have.AUX
Rika saw Rikus on the day he disappeared.

Purpose clause

Example 25

Rikus het 'n apparaat besit om elektrisiteit mee op te wek.
Rikus have.AUX an appliance possess.PST.PTCP for.COMP electricity with up PTCL.INF generate.INF
Rikus possessed an appliance with which electricity could be generated.

Comparative clause

Example 26

Die Fire Bird moet vinniger kan ry as wat 'n vliegtuig vlieg.
The Fire Bird must.AUX.MOD faster can.AUX.MOD ride.INF than what an aeroplane fly
The Fire Bird must be able to ride faster than an aeroplane flies.
[+]Exceptions

Degree clause and adjectival complement
Neither the degree clause in (27a), nor the adjectival complement in (27b), can occur in juxtaposition with their antecedents in the middle-field. Split extraposition is required in these cases.

Example 27

a. Rika gaan so hoog bie dat niemand dit kan ewenaar nie.
Rika go.AUX.MOD so high bid.INF that.COMP no.one it can.AUX.MOD equal.INF PTCL.NEG
Rika is going to put in such a high bid that no one can equal it.
a.' *Rika gaan so hoog dat niemand dit kan ewenaar nie, bie.
Rika go.AUX.MOD so high that.COMP no.one it can.AUX.MOD equal.INF PTCL.NEG bid.INF
To mean: Rika is going to put in such a high bid that no one can equal it.
b. Rikus was so kwaad gewees dat hy kon slange vang.
Rikus was so angry be.PST.PTCP that.COMP he can.AUX.MOD.PRT snakes catch.INF
Rikus was so angry that he went hopping mad.
b.' *Rikus was so kwaad dat hy kon slange vang gewees.
Rikus was so angry that.COMP he can.AUX.MOD.PRT snakes catch.INF be.PST.PTCP
To mean: Rikus was so angry that he went hopping mad.

Attributive modification
Extraposition is not possible from an attributive modifier:

Example 28

a. Rika bekyk die op die banknote getoonde afbeeldings.
Rika look.at the on the bank.notes show.PST.PTCP.ATTR images
Rika looks at the images shown on the bank notes.
b. *Rika bekyk die getoonde afbeeldings op die banknote.
Rika look.at the shown.PST.PTCP.ATTR images on the bank notes
To mean: Rika looks at the images shown on the bank notes.
[+]Constituent sequence and the mirror effect

In MF constituents tend to be arranged in a particular order or sequence, such as temporal phrase > locational phrase > direct object, as in (29a). Being a noun phrase, the direct object is not found in the post-verbal field, but constituents such as temporal and locational phrases, are usually inversely ordered or mirrorMF order in PV, cf. (29b). In nominalisations the mirroring may even include the direct object, as in (29c).

Example 29

a. André het op Saterdae van sy huis af hamburgers verkoop.
André het [(MF) [(TEMP) op Saterdae] [(LOC) van sy huis af] [(DO) hamburgers]] verkoop.
André have.AUX on Saturdays from his house off.POSTP hamburgers sell.PST.PTCP
André sold hamburgers from his home on Saturdays.
b. André het hamburgers verkoop van sy huis af op Saterdae.
André het [(MF [(DO) hamburgers]] verkoop [(PV) [(LOC) van sy huis af] [(TEMP) op Saterdae]].
André have.AUX hamburgers sell.PST.PTCP from his home off.POSTP on Saturdays
André sold hamburgers from his home on Saturdays.
c. Die verkoop van hamburgers van jou huis af op Saterdae is verbode.
die verkoop [(DO) van hamburgers] [(LOC) van jou huis af] [(TEMP) op Saterdae] is verbode
the sell.NMLZ of hamburgers from your house off.POSTP on Saturdays is prohibited.ADJ
The selling of hamburgers from your home on Saturdays is prohibited.

Mirroring is also in evidence with locational and concessive adverbials with ondanks in spite of, as shown by the examples in (30).

Example 30

a. André het ondanks die wind in die Kaap gaan woon.
André het [(CONC) ondanks die wind] [(LOC) in die Kaap] gaan woon.
André have.AUX in.spite.of the wind in the Cape go.LINK live.INF
André went to live in the Cape in spite of the wind.
b. André het gaan woon in die Kaap ondanks die wind.
André het gaan woon [(LOC) in die Kaap] [(CONC) ondanks die wind].
André have.AUX go.LINK live.INF in the Cape in.spite.of the wind
André went to live in the Cape in spite of the wind.

Mirroring in the following is an indication that an indirect object is closer to VF than an adverbial PP:

Example 31

a. André het huise teen hoë pryse aan werkers verkoop.
André het [(DO) huise] [(ADV/PP) teen hoë pryse] [(IO) aan werkers] verkoop
André have.AUX houses at high prices to workers sell.PST.PTCP
André sold houses to workers at high prices.
b. André het huise verkoop aan werkers teen hoë pryse.
André het [(DO) huise] verkoop [(IO) aan werkers] [(ADV/PP) teen hoë pryse]
André have.AUX houses sell.PST.PTCP to workers at high prices
André sold houses to workers at high prices.

In the following the sequence of object clause followed by indirect object phrase in MF, as in (32a), is mirrored by the inverse order in PV, as in (32b).

Example 32

a. Die firma het wat hy verdien het aan hom oorhandig.
die firma het [(DO) wat hy verdien het] [(IO) aan hom] oorhandig
the firm have.AUX what.REL he earn.PST.PTCP have.AUX to him hand.over.PST.PTCP
The firm handed over to him what he had earned.
b. Die firma het oorhandig aan hom wat hy verdien het.
die firma het oorhandig [(IO) aan hom] [(OBJ) wat hy verdien het]
the firm have.AUX hand.over.PST.PTCP to him what he earn.PST.PTCP have.AUX
The firm handed over to him what he had earned.
References:
  • Broekhuis, Hans, Corver, Norbert & Vos, Riet2015Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrasesComprehensive grammar resourcesAmsterdam University Press
  • Broekhuis, Hans, Corver, Norbert & Vos, Riet2015Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrasesComprehensive grammar resourcesAmsterdam University Press
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