The copula bliuwe stay combines with a restricted set of bare infinitives, namely the four verbs of body posture and occasionally with a few verbs expressing a locational aspect, more specifically permanence of location, such as stykjen stick and wenjen live. Below are two examples in which the complement is headed by a verb of body posture:

Below we present two examples in which the complement is headed by a locational verb:

The bare infinitive takes the form of a gerund. An ordinary infinitive is not allowed:

The copula bliuwe stay is still grounded in a locative interpretation, although it may acquire an overtone of durative aspect. Its locative interpretation correlates with its selectional restrictions, although it is not clear how exactly. Bliuwe stay also combines with some verbs which have been derived morphologically from the verbs of body posture mentioned above:

Other bare infinitives cannot be directly combined with this locational durative verb. In this respect, Standard Frisian differs from Standard Dutch. The following are ungrammatical in Standard Frisian (but grammatical in Interference Frisian, informal Frisian, and in Dutch):

A different idiom must be used in case the meaning of the sentence above is to be expressed in a grammatical form. Such a different idiom may involve the durative particle troch through, often accompanied by the discourse particle mar but:

The meaning contribution of mar but is notoriously difficult to put into words, let alone to formalise it. It seems to express a high degree reading, as well as emotional involvement on the part of the speaker, usually negative such as disapproval, irony or sarcasm. If it is left out, the sentence has the feel of an unemotional factual statement.

A durative interpretation can also be effected by negating a verb of cessation, as in the following:

Apart from the four verbs of body posture, the copula of staying also combines with infinitives consisting of a particle of approach such as oan to and a verb of manner of motion such as rinne walk. An example is given below:

Such examples seem to be chiefly found in recent literature. The example in (9) is from 1977. Normally, it is komme come which selects bare infinitives consisting of a particle of approach and a verb of manner of motion see komme come. So it seems that bliuwe stay has come to accept bare infinitives which otherwise only combine with the verb of coming. This small widening of selection restrictions may be caused by pressure from Dutch, which allows the verb of staying to combine with all sorts of verbs. On the other hand, the extension itself is a natural class occurring elsewhere in the grammar of Frisian.