- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
Between /{t/d}/ and /jə/ the consonants /{s/z}/ are inserted, so the sequences /{t/d}jə/ surface as [{ts/dz}jə]. The most common context in which /{t/d}jə/ arises is in the paradigm of verbs of the second weak class. Examples are hytsje ( /hit+jə/) emit heat; to heat (next to hyt hot), wachtsje ( /vaxt+jə/) to wait, wiidzje ( /vi:d+jə/) to widen (next to wiid wide), and wyldzje ( /vild+jə/) run about (wildly) (next to wyld wild).
There appears to be a general ban on the sequences /tjə/ and /djə/. If these arise as a result of morphological processes or loanword adaptation, they are in need of repair, which is executed by the insertion of an obstruent. Obstruent sequences in general must meet two constraints: preferably, the obstruents do not agree in continuancy, whereas they must agree in voicing (see complex onset: sequences of two obstruents). This means, first, that only fricatives qualify as repairing obstruents here and, second, that their voicing value must equal that of the preceding plosive. The fricatives act as connective sounds, which is why they are homorganic with the plosive.
The phenomenon at hand does not occur in the dialects of Skiermûntseach/Schiermonnikoog and Hylpen/Hindelopen.
When inflected with the suffix -je (infinitive I, infinitive II, present participle, imperative, the 1st person singular and all plural persons present tense) verbs of the second weak class with a stem ending in /-{d/t}/ end up with final /-{dz/ts}je/. The paradigms of the verbs foarmje to shape, to form, beäntwurdzje to answer, to respond, and achtsje to esteem, to respect are given in the table below:
Verb stem | foarm | beäntwurd | acht |
Infinitive I | foarmje | beäntwurdzje | achtsje |
Infinitive II | foarmjen | beäntwurdzjen | achtsjen |
Present tense | |||
1SG | foarmje | beäntwurdzje | achtsje |
2SG | foarmest | beäntwurdest | achtest |
3SG | foarmet | beäntwurdet | achtet |
PL | foarmje | beäntwurdzje | achtsje |
Past tense | |||
1SG | foarme | beäntwurde | achte |
2SG | foarmest | beäntwurdest | achtest |
3SG | foarme | beäntwurde | achte |
PL | foarmen | beäntwurden | achten |
Imperative | foarmje | beäntwurdzje | achtsje |
Past participle | foarme | beäntwurde | achte |
Present participle | foarmjend | beäntwurdzjend | achtsjend |
Verbs like sintsje [sɪntsjə] to sunbathe, teantsje [tjɛntsjə] to tiptoe; stand on tiptoe, and túntsje [tyntsjə] to garden are related to the nouns sinne sun, tean toe, and tún garden, respectively. Their stems have been augmented with the element /t/. Since the insertion of /{s/z}/ is found in a variety of morphological and phonological contexts − see below − it seems to be conditioned by purely segmental factors.
The finite forms with /-{s/z}-/ must be accounted for. Some (older) Frisian grammars consider the forms with /-{s/z}-/ as basic. This raises two questions: 1) to which part of the finite verb do /{s/z}/ belong and 2) since they do not show up in all forms of the paradigm (see above), how do we get rid of them?
As to the first question, there are two options: either the stem of the verbs in question ends in /-{dz/ts}/, in which case only one suffix is needed, viz. -je, or the suffix is assumed to have three variants, viz. -je, -zje, and -sje, in which case the stems of these verbs end in /-{d/t}/. If the verb stems are assumed to end in /-{dz/ts}/, they have the distributional property that they only occur in combination with the suffix -je. If, on the other hand, three suffix variants are assumed, two of these, viz. -zje and -sje, have a limited distribution in that they only occur in combination with stems ending in /-{d/t}/. Though their intentions are not easy to grasp, these approaches are put forward by Postma and De Clercq (1904:73), Sipma (1913:70), Sipma (1949:27) and Fokkema (1967:58).
As to the second question, Sipma (1913:70,§245) states that
This, however, cannot be the whole story. It is the stem ending in /-{d/t}/ which shows up in derived forms. A case in point are action nouns, with the suffix -ing, like beäntwurding ( /bəɔntvød+ɪŋ/) answering, response and achting ( /axt+ɪŋ/) regard, respect, esteem, which are not *beäntwurdzing and *achtsing. Another one is compound, like antwurd#nûmer freepost and wacht#keamer waiting room, which are not *antwurdznûmer and wachtskeamer. When we assume that verb stems end in - /{dz/ts}/, another deletion operation, one affecting /{z/s}/ this time, would be called for. Therefore, it seems best to take as a point of departure that the stems of the verbs in question end in - /{d/t}/.
This then leaves the question of the suffix. Is there one suffix, -je, or is -je the basic suffix, which has the allomorphs -zje and -sje? Since suffix allomorphy in Frisian seems to figure within the realm of derivation only − the diminutive suffix is a case in point (see -DIM (diminutive)) − assuming suffix allomorphy here is not a likely option. The only one left then is that inflected forms like antwurdzje and achtsje result from the insertion of /{z/s}/ between the verb stem and the suffix -je. This analysis was already put forward in Tuinstra (1937:20, point 4) and Boersma and Van der Woude (1972:47). It was defended more fully in Tiersma (1979:129-131), Tiersma (1985:33-34) and Tiersma (1999:30), and it is the generally accepted analysis since (see, for instance, Popkema (2006:78)).
Tiersma (1979:129-130) considers the insertion of /{z/s}/ between /-{d/t}/ and /jə/ as the affrication of /{d/t}/: The process here referred to as 'Affrication' involves the conversion of stem-final d and t to the affricates dz and ts before a following suffix -je. He is aware of the fact that assuming affrication as a genuine synchronic process of Frisian phonology is not unproblematical, for he also writes:
The verbs widzje to rock (to and fro) (alongside widze cradle), flodzje to gush, to spout (alongside flodze gush, spurt), belytsje to decrease (alongside lyts small), and ferlytsje to reduce, make smaller (idem) have a stem ending in /-ts/-dz/, so that these clusters show up throughout the whole paradigm, as in mem widze (*widde) it bern yn 'e sliep mother lulled the child to sleep and de foto waard ferlytse (*ferlite) (the size of) the photograph was reduced. They also occur in derivations, like ferlytsing /fərlits+ɪŋ/ reduction; diminutive (*ferliting) and widzer /vɪdz+ər/ who rocks (to and fro) (*widder).
So far, one might gain the impression that /{s/z}/ are only inserted in inflected forms of verbs of the second weak class, that is, preceding the suffix -je. The phrasing above that /{s/z}/ are inserted between /{t/d}/ and the sequence /jə/, however, has been chosen deliberately: as it happens, there are other contexts of insertion.
Firstly, the unstressed ending ie ( /-i/) of Dutch loanwords shows up as je ( /-jə/) in Frisian. If this results in the word-final sequence /-djə/, the latter shows up as /-dzjə/. Examples, taken from Visser (2000:159), are given in (1):
Examples of loanwords ending in /dzjə/ | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
studie | → | stúdje | → | stúdzje | study | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
komedie | → | komeedje | → | komeedzje | comedy |
The same pattern is found in remeedzje remedy, subsydzje subsidy, grant, and trageedzje tragedy.
The loanword keraadzje /kəra:dzjə/ courage − the current form of which is koeraazje − is peculiar in that the word-final sequence /-dzjə/ is the result of the insertion of /d/ and not of /z/. The same holds for nedzje /nɛdzjə/ garnish(ing), which is related to nedding /nɛd+ɪŋ/ seam, attachment (both of which are likely to have become obsolete). They are adapted forms of the French loanword neige. It has been reported that nedzje was also realized with a long vowel, as nêdzje /nɛ:dzjə/; the commonest realization, however, was without /d/, as nêzje /nɛ:zjə/ (see Veen (1984-2011, volume 14), s.v. nedzje II). The latter pronunciation linked up with the one of the original French word. It makes it all the more clear that it is /d/, and not /z/, which has been inserted here, probably due to some sort of analogy.
This also occurs in native words. Originally, the words jierdei birthday and middei afternoon are compounds, the literal meanings of which are year day (jier#dei) and mid day (mid#dei). The literal meaning has become opaque, which has paved the way for a morphological restructuring. Nowadays, jierdei and middei count as simplex words. A clear indication of the latter is that the old plural forms jierdagen birthdays and middagen afternoons have generally been replaced by jierdeis and middeis, with -s, whereas the noun dei day in isolation has kept the irregular plural form dagen days. This restructuring also had phonological repercussions (see Visser (1992)). Being in unstressed position, the original diphthong /ɛj/ of dei has turned into the monophthong /i/: /jɪdi/ (jierdei) and /mɪdi/ (middei). In areas where final /i/ has turned into /jə/, jierdei and middei got the forms /jɪdjə/ and /mɪdjə/. These may be realized as such, but /jɪdzjə/ and /mɪdzjə/, with /-dzjə/, occur as well. This is also an indication that /djə/ is a disfavoured sequence (though not a prohibited one).
Unstressed word-internal /-ti-/ in Dutch loanwords turns into /-tjə-/, which provides a context for the insertion of /s/. Take tuttifrutti /tʏtifrʏti/ tutti-frutti, which turns into Frisian /tøtjəfrøtjə/, eventually surfacing as /tøtsjəfrøtsjə/.
The sequence /-tjə-/ as such can also be part of the underlying representation of Dutch loanwords (see Visser (1992:74, note 10)). Take netjes /nɛtjəs/ neat; decent, which is rendered as netsjes /nɛtsjəs/ in Frisian. When /-tjə-/ arises in Frisian words, it turns into /-tsjə-/ as well. Examples are kultsjefater /køltsjəfa:tər/ cultivator (cf. Dutch cultivator) and the wish wol bekomme 't je much good may it do to you (expressed at the end of a meal), which may show up as wolbekomtsje /volbəkomtsjə/. Both the noun and the wish have become obsolete.
More and more, Dutch /i/ is taken over as such in Frisian. At present then tuttifrutti and kultivator by and large have the same pronunciation in Dutch and Frisian.
The seven numerals ending in -tjin /-tjən/ -teen− fyftjin /fiftjən/ fifteen and santjin /sɔntjən/ seventeen, for instance − show a dialectal alternation with forms ending in -tsjin /-tsjən/: fyftsjin /fiftsjən/ and santsjin /sɔntsjən/. Note that the numerals without /s/ have the disfavoured sequence /-tjə-/.
The Dutch diminutive suffix -tje /-tjə/ has the Frisian counterpart -tsje /-tsjə/. The Frisian equivalents of Dutch kaartje /ka:rt+tjə/ ticket and potje /pɔt+tjə/ little pot, for instance, are kaartsje /ka:t+tsjə/ and potsje /pɔ:t+tsjə/. This is also indicative of the disfavoured status of the sequence /tjə/ in Frisian.
If a Dutch loanword ends in /-sti/ ( stie), the change of unstressed word-final /i/ into /jə/ and insertion of /s/ would result in word-final /-stsjə/The latter sequence is ill-formed and it is simplified to /-sjə/. This means that Dutch kwestie /kʋɛsti/ question and suggestie /sʏɣɛsti/ suggestion are rendered as kwestje [kwɛsjə] and suggestje [søɡɛsjə] in Frisian.
The same is at issue with verbs of the second weak class with a stem ending in /-st/ (see Visser (1993)). In verbs like haastje to hurry (alongside haast /ha:st/ haste; hurry) and ynlistje to frame (alongside list /lɪst/ frame), there is no insertion of /s/ between stem-final /-t/ and /-jə/ (*haastsje and *ynlistsje). Instead, stem-final /t/ deletes: [ha:sjə] (haastje) and [ĩlɪsjə] (ynlistje). Stem-final /t/ is realized in the forms with the other inflectional endings, as in hy haastet /ha:st+ət/ [ha:stət]him net he takes his time (literally: he is not in a hurry) and hja hat de foto kreas ynliste /inlɪst+ə/ [ĩlɪstə] she has neatly framed the photograph. See also derivations like ynlisting /inlɪst+ɪŋ/ framing and oerhaasting /uərha:st+ɪŋ/ rush, hurry, which are always realized with /-st-/.
The verbs hoastje to cough and kostje to cost have lost their stem-final /-t/ altogether − save in the spelling −, so (hja) hoasten (de hiele tiid) (they) coughed (all the time) and (it hat hûndert Euro) koste (it) cost (a hundred Euro's) are realized as [vwasn̩] and [kɔsə], respectively. See /h/-deletion for more on the phonological status and the realization of initial hoa.
Finally, some remarks on the place of /{s/z}/-insertion between /{t/d}/ and /jə/ in the grammar of Frisian are in order.
Word-final -je is realized as either [-jə] or [-i], which show a dialectally complementary distribution (see Sipma (1913:41,§175), Tiersma (1979:161-164), and Visser (1992)). As noted above, the most common context in which the sequences /{t/d}jə/ arise is the paradigm of verbs of the second weak class. One might thus expect these verbs to end in /{-ts/dz}jə/ in the [-jə]-dialect and, without insertion, in /-{t/d}i/ in the [-i]-dialect. This, however, is not borne out by the facts. Verbs like wachtsje to wait and skodzje to shake are realized as either [vaxtsjə]/ [skodzjə] in the [-jə]-dialect or [vaxtsi]/ [skodzi] in the [-i]-dialect (whereas [*vaxti] and [*skodi] are out). As to /{s/z}/-insertion then both dialects behave symmetrically. This led Visser (1992) to postulating a single underlying representation for [-jə] and [-i], viz. a (short) rising diphhtong, the left-hand vowel of which is /i/ and the right-hand one has no content. The latter can get the default specification /ə/, resulting in [jə], whereas [i] is the result if default specification does not take place. So, /{s/z}/-insertion is triggered by 'undivided' -je. This means that it must be an early process, in line with the fact that it is morpho-lexically conditioned.
Diminutive formation (see -DIM (diminution)) also takes up 'undivided' -je. Nouns ending in a velar consonant take -je, which can be realized as [-jə] or as [-i]. So, eachje /ɪəɣ+jə/ little eye and boekje /buk+jə/ booklet are either [ɪəxjə]/ [bukjə] or [ɪəxi]/ [buki]. Between word-final /-ŋ/ and -je the velar plosive /k/ is inserted, no matter whether -je is realized as [-jə] or [-i], so rinkje /rɪŋ+jə/ little ring is pronounced as [rɪŋkjə] or as [rɪŋki]. Diminutives thus show symmetrical behaviour with respect to [-jə] and [-i]. Note that the choice of the diminutive suffix and the insertion of /k/ are also morpho-lexically conditioned.
There are also phonological processes with respect to which [-jə]- and [-i]-final verbs show asymmetrical behaviour. Vowel Nasalization is a case in point (see Tiersma (1979:163-164), Tiersma (1985:34, note), Visser (1992:80)). Verbs like wenje /vɛn+jə/ to live and trúnje /tryn+jə/ to urge are realized as either [vɛ̃jə]/ [trỹjə] or [vɛni]/ [tryni]. This means that vowel nasalization only has access to 'divided'-je, which is in line with the fact that it is a purely (automatic) phonological process.
The same holds for the loanwords in (1) above. Take the Dutch word studie /stydi/ study; it is rendered as stúdzje /stydzjə/ in the [-jə]-dialect, but as /stydi/, and not as /*stydzi/, in the [-i]-dialect. And the native words jierdei birthday and middei afternoon are /jɪd(z)jə/ and /mɪd(z)jə/ in the [-jə]-dialect and /jɪdi/ and /mɪdi/, but not /*jɪdzi/ and /*mɪdzi/, in the [-jə]-dialect.
/{s/z}/-insertion, then, seems to operate in two different ways: as a morpho-lexically conditioned, early process, which treats /jə/ and /i/ symmetrically and as a purely phonologically conditioned process, with respect to which /jə/ and /i/ behave asymmetrically. One and the same process may thus apply under different conditions and with different outcomes (which is in line with one of the premises of the theory of Lexical Phonology).
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