- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
The regular passive, which is here taken as basis for comparison with less typical passive constructions, consists of a subject corresponding to the direct object or indirect object (see (1) and (2), respectively) of an active clause with transitivemain verb, and a periphrastic verb cluster consisting of a past participle together with word be.AUX.PASS.PRS is (being), is be.AUX.PASS.PST was (being) or was be.AUX.PASS.PRT had been as auxiliary. No terminological distinction will be made here between a passive and a past participle. (Aspectual and other differences between types of participles are described by Butler (2016)). The subject of the active clause is optionally represented as an adjunct headed by the prepositiondeur by.
A number of constraints on passivisation are pointed out. For instance, verbs like weet know and ken know, be acquainted with resist passivisation, as in (3a). Constructions with reciprocal objects cannot be passivised, cf. (3b). A modal verb such as wil want to retains its semantic relationship with the sentential subject after passivisation, while the main verb has a new relationship with the subject, cf. (3c). In such cases active and passive sentences are therefore not synonymous.
Passivisation has a number of pragmatic implications or uses, such as disambiguation, as in (4b).
The impersonal passive is a construction introduced by the adverb daar there, with a transitive or intransitive verb as main verb and a passive auxiliary, for example (5b):
Pseudo-passive structures, which are exemplified in (6), share some of the characteristics of regular and impersonal passives.
A typical passive construction, as in (7b), when compared to an active construction, as in (7a), differs grammatically from it in three ways: (i) The direct objectdie muis a mouse, an internal argument of the transitive verb jaag chase, is promoted to the function of subject, or external argument, of the passive construction. (ii) The subject die kat the cat, the external argument of jaag, is demoted to an agentive adjunct – a prepositional phrase headed by deur by, for instance deur die kat by the cat. The preposition deur is also used in nominalisations, for instance die boek Jaffie deur Eitemal the book Jaffie by Eitemal. An older form of the agentive preposition is van from, a cognate of German von in the same function. Van is still used in nominalisations such as die oorwinning van die Geallieerdes the victory of the Allies, a genitive construction interpreted as agentive, and in fixed expressions, such as van lotjie getik crazy. (iii) The transitive verb jaag, in its base form, becomes a periphrastic verbal cluster consisting of gejaag, the past participle of jaag, and the auxiliary verb word, which may appear in verb-second position (as in (7b))(or in verb-first position in yes-no questions), or clause-finally after the past participle in subordinate constructions, as in (7c).
The deur adjunct may also be topicalised, as in (7d), though this is a marked order. The deur adjunct is also employed with nominalisations, e.g. die inval deur die Noormanne the incursion by the Norsemen, as in (7e).
Though the deur adjunct is not realised in the majority of cases for pragmatic reasons, an agent is always implicitly present. According to Broekhuis et al. (2015:411) adverbs such as opsetlik, aspris on purpose and doelbewus intentionally, as in (8a), still imply an agent, as shown by (8b).
In the case of Afrikaans, the structural constraints on the regular passive are diminished in two senses: indirect objects and prepositional objects may also be promoted to subject of the passive, as in (9b) and (10b), respectively. The relationship between the main verb and active object / passive subject is not altered by passivisation.
The auxiliaries is and was may be substituted for word to express the past tense or pluperfect, as in (11a) and (11b), respectively. The auxiliary is is commonly used for the past tense as well as the pluperfect. According to Ponelis 1979:267)was is used as a past tense form under English influence or to express the pluperfect in formal style. (Also cf.Kirsten (2015:165-168) .)
Van Schoor (1983:183) considers was clauses with adverbs such as al/reeds/klaar already, expressing action which has reached a state of completion, as adjectival rather than verbal. Both interpretations are illustrated in (12).
Toe ons by die hek kom, was dit al klaar oopgesluit. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
when.CNJ we at the gate come.PRS was it already unlocked.ADJ | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
When we reached the gate it was already unlocked. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
when.CNJ we at the gate come.PRS be.AUX.PASS.PRT it already unlock.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
When we reached the gate it had already been unlocked |
Geword het alternated with is be.PRS in earlier formal language, as in (13):
die vergadering wat daar gehou geword het | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the meeting which.REL there hold.PST.PTCP become.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the meeting which had been held there | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
J.D. Kestell: Christiaan de Wet, 1920, 3 |
When a modal verb forms part of the verbal cluster, word, as in (14), is the preferred auxiliary. However, with wil/wou want(ed) to as the modal, as in (15) and (17), wees be.INF is often used instead of word. This may entail a shift in aspect from an action to a state. In the perfect, gewees, as in (16), is preferred to geword; in (16) both gewees and word are in evidence.
Was byna of die gedierte geskiet wóú word | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
was almost as.if.COMP the animal shoot.PST.PTCP want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT be.AUX.PASS.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
It was almost as if the animal wanted to be shot. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
W. Anker: Buys, 2014, 30 |
dié hardkoppigheid om nie voorgesê te wil wees nie | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
this stubbornness for.COMP not dictate.PST.PTCP PTCL.INF want.to.AUX.MOD be.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
this stubbornness to not want to be dictated to | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
A.Botes: Swart op wit, 2013, 227 |
Die baadjie lyk of dit by Edgars ... gekoop kon gewees het | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the jacket look.PRS as.if.COMP it at Edgars buy.PST.PTCP can.AUX.MOD.PRT be.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The jacket looks as if it could have been bought at Edgars | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
F.Bloemhof: Doodskoot, 2016, 32 |
Sy wou ook onthou gewees het en bo alles liefgehê word | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
she want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT also remember.PST.PTCP be.PST.PTCP have.AUX and above all love.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
She also wanted to be remembered and above all to be loved. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Beeld, 2015/10/13 |
The auxiliary word become is sometimes replaced by the copula raak become, get in the spoken language, as in (18), and often functions as auxiliary in some varieties of the language, as in (19).
moenie dat Evert se kar verwoes raak nie | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
must.not.AUX.MOD.IMP that.COMP Evert POSS car destroy.PST.PTCP get.PRS PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Don't let Evert's car get destroyed. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
Omdat die meeste tjinners hierdie tyd van die aand gebore raak | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
because.CNJ the most children this time of the evening born.PST.PTCP get.PRS | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
because most children are born this time of the evening. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
The passive auxiliary word, Dutch worden become, is never optional in Afrikaans clause-finally:
Du. De muur moet geschilderd (worden). | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the wall must.AUX.MOD paint.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.INF. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The wall should be painted. |
Passives with is was together with a past participle as verbal cluster may overlap with other constructions in a number of ways, with ambiguity resulting in some cases. Three of these construction pairs will be discussed.
(i) The verb Is may be interpreted as a copula and the past participle as a departicipial adjective, as in (21a), or is together with the past participle expresses the perfect in the passive, as in (21b). (See Butler (2016) for further discussion of the relationship between past participle and adjective.)
(ii) The verb Is in combination with klaar finished together with the past participle of a durative verb, as in (22a), signals the end of a process; perfective aspect may also be expressed by employing the auxiliary het, as in (22c), but without klaar being obligatory. With is as auxiliary, as in (22b), a perfect tense passive is expressed.
(iii) In (23) is alternates with word to contrast a stative with a dynamic representation of a state of affairs, as in (23a) and (23b), respectively.
Example (23) above is ambiguous between a past tense passive and a present tense copular construction. Partial disambiguation is possible in both Dutch and Afrikaans, but while syntactic means would be employed in Dutch, Afrikaans would make use of morphological mechanisms. While in Dutch the passive is uniquely marked syntactically through the clause-final order of an auxiliary preceding a past participle (which is not an option in Afrikaans), as in (24a) and (24b), departicipial adjectives may be morphologically marked in Afrikaans, for example geseënd in (25ai), vs regularised geseën blessed in (25a), in former "weak" verbs, and gebroke vs regularised gebreek broken in former "strong" verbs, as in (25bi).
Thus, in Dutch, the clause-final auxiliary followed by past participle order constitutes a verbal passive, while the inverse past participle and auxiliary order may signal either a verbal passive or a copular construction. Note that in the case of the copular construction the grammatical status of the past participle is that of a departicipial adjective. In Afrikaans only the second order is found clause-finally, but a small set of the strong past participles retain their irregular form in figurative or other functions, e.g. die gesproke woord the spoken word for the verb spreek speak, while a small set of weak past participles, which for instance express mental states, retains a final [d], e.g. verwonderd surprised, teleurgesteld disappointed and gefassineerd fascinated.
(ii) Example (22) above serves to demonstrate the fact that the passive may also overlap with a specialised copular construction expressing the completion of an action. It consists of be.PRS or be.PRT and a past participle, as in (26a), alternating with have.AUX and a past participle, as in (26b). The adverb klaar finished is obligatory with durative verbs such as eet eat, werk work and sing sing in (26). In (27) klaar would be optional, as the past participles aangetrek dressed and gepoeier powdered would readily be interpreted as perfective. In (28), where be.PRT is used to express past or pluperfect tense, ingetrek moved in would also receive a perfective interpretation.
Gelukkig is Jacqueline klaar aangetrek en gepoeier. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
luckily be.PRS Jacqueline finished dress.PST.PTCP and powder.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Luckily Jacqueline has finished dressing and powdering. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
Eers later het ek gehuil, toe ek in die klein woonstelletjie ingetrek was. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
only later.on have.AUX I cry.PST.PTCP when.CNJ I in the small flat.DIM in.move.PST.PTCP be.PRT | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
I only cried later on, when I had moved into the flatlet. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
M. Hobbs: Score my, 2013, 117 |
(iii) With a number of verbs of extent, such as begrens border, omsirkel encircle, omgewe surround, omring surround, bedek cover (see (29) to (31)), which may express an enduring situation, a dynamic vs stative perspective may be expressed by employing the passive auxiliary word or the copula be.PRS, respectively. Note that even with be.PRS a fully agentive deur adjunct is possible. In some cases, such as (29b), the active version seems rather unlikely compared to the passive, perhaps because the subject of the active comes across as more agentive than a locative would merit. Examples:
albei is in die ooste begrens deur die Rooi See | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
both be.COP.PRS in the east bordered.ADJ by the Red Sea | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
both border on the Red Sea in the east | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
Ons is omring deur berge en woude. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
we be.COP.PRS encircled.ADJ by mountains and forests | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
We are surrounded by mountains and forests. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
The default position in regard to passivisation seems to be that propositions with agentive human or animate subjects and transitive verbs are likely to have passive correlates, and that the direct object of the active form becomes the subject of the passive. According to Broekhuis et al. (2015:25) passivisation is, however, not ruled out for transitive verbs with non-human or inanimate subjects, as long as those subjects are construed as agentive or causal:
Afrikaans differs from Dutch and is closer to English by also allowing an indirect object (cf. (33c)) to be promoted to subject, e.g.
In Afrikaans, the prepositional object of a prepositional object verb also readily functions as the subject of a passive clause, as in:
sy wil nie mee gesukkel wees nie | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
she want.to.AUX.MOD not with pester.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
She doesn't want to be pestered. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
Though copular clauses are usually not amenable to passivisation, this cannot be ruled out entirely, as shown by (35) – an example that makes a rather fabricated impression.
maar as daar grênd gewees moet word, moet daar mos in Engels gepraat word | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
but.CNJ if.CNJ there grand be.PST.PTCP must.AUX.MOD be.AUX.PASS.PRS must.AUX.MOD there of.course in English speak.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
but if it is necessary to be "grand", English must of course be spoken. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
H.Wasserman: Anderkant, 2004, 102 |
Verbs like weet know and ken know, be acquainted with resist passivisation, according to Broekhuis et al. (2015:416), because the subject is an internal argument – an experiencer, in particular.
As a prepositional object verb, however, weet is sporadically encountered in a passive:
Om nie te veel te wil weet nie, en om nie van geweet te word nie. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
for.COMP not too much PTCL.INF want.to.AUX.MOD know.INF PTCL.NEG and for.COMP not of know.PST.PTCP PTCL.INF be.AUX.PASS.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Not to want to know too much, and not to be known about. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
C.Luyt: Meer as een grens, 2013, 230 |
dat hier ook mense woon wat van geweet wil wees | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
that.COMP here also people live who.REL of know.PST.PTCP want.to.AUX.MOD be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
that people are also living here who want to be known about | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
P.Pieterse: Manaka, 2005, 17 |
The passivisation of reflexive or reciprocal constructions is excluded in cases of full or partial coreference between the subject and object, for example when the main verb is obligatorily reflexive, as in (40); when the object refers to a body part of the agentive subject, as in (41), or when the object is reciprocal, as in (42), cf. Van Schoor (1983:180-181). However, when the object of a transitive proposition is overtly marked as coreferential with the subject by a suffix such as -self, passivisation may take place, as in (43).
Vorige getuienis ... het aangedui dat Henri se wonde deur homself toegedien is. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
previous evidence have.AUX indicate.PST.PTCP that.COMP Henri POSS wounds by himself inflict.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Previous evidence has indicated that Henri's wounds were inflicted by himself. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Huisgenoot, 2017/9/12 |
The constraints on passivisation dealt with thus far only involved main verbs and auxiliaries. Verbs may, however, also form clusters through the addition of modal or other lexical verbs – sometimes referred to as linking verbs – to the main verb. While some verb clusters passivise easily, others resist passivisation in various ways. For example, when a modal verb is introduced into the verbal cluster, its functional relationship with the subject may differ from that of the main verb to the subject. From (44a) to (44b) agentivity in regard to wil want to is transferred from the active to the passive subject. From (45a) to (45b) the capability ascribed to the active subject by kan be able to is transferred to the passive subject as 'possibility'. In all cases the agentive relation between the main verb and the entity referred to by the active object remains the same. The pairs of active and passive sentences in (44) and (45) therefore do not correspond semantically.
Lexical clustering, with one or even more so-called linking verbs preceding the main verb, is extremely frequent in Afrikaans. Verbs which enable clustering include the following: laat let (causative and permissive), bly keep, remain, begin begin, help help and probeer try. Although the following examples have been attested and are clearly marked as passive through the use of the passive auxiliaries word become or be.PRS, it is not certain that they will be acceptable to all speakers.
Jou broer moet van Lusaka af laat kom word (causative) | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
your brother must.AUX.MOD from Lusaka off.POSTP let.LINK come.INF be.AUX.PASS.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Your brother needs to be sent for from Lusaka. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
P.Pieterse: Manaka, 2005, 50 |
die handdoekie wat ná een keer se gebruik ... laat val word (permissive) | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the towel.DIM that.REL after one time POSS use.NMLZ let.LINK fall.INF be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the towellette which is dropped after being used once | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
Die polisie sal bly oorweldig word deur dié omstandighede. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
the police will.AUX.MOD keep.on.LINK overwhelm.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.INF by these circumstances | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The police will continue to be overwhelmed by these circumstances. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Rapport, 2008/2/19 |
dié ... wat deur haar in die lewe help bring is | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
those who.REL by her in the life help.LINK bring.INF be.AUX.PASS.PST | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
those who were helped by her to be born | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
Wat moet ten alle koste probeer voorkom word? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
what must.AUX.MOD at all costs try.LINK avoid be.AUX.PASS.INF | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
What must one try to avoid at all costs? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
TK |
The passive is often employed because it allows the speaker to omit mention of the source or agent of an action. Apart from the obvious advantage of densification, the omission allows the speaker to focus on the action itself rather than its cause. Other advantages include the avoidance of tautological or predictable information. Thus Ponelis (1979: 414-5, 308) mentions several reasons for omitting the agentive adjunct: the agent is highly predictable (52); the potential agent is very general (53); the agent cannot be identified (54); a first person agent is avoided for diplomatic reasons (55), and phrases such as na beweer word allegedly and na verwag word according to expectation are used to cover up the source of information (56).
Antibiotika word al hoe minder voorgeskryf. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
antibiotics be.AUX.PASS.PRS all the more.seldom prescribe.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Antibiotics are prescribed less and less. |
Diere moenie mishandel word nie. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
animals must.not.AUX.MOD maltreat.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Animals should not be maltreated. |
My kar is sopas gesteel. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
my car be.AUX.PASS.PST just steal.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
My car has just been stolen. |
Hiermee word verklaar dat dit die waarheid is. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
PN.by be.AUX.PASS.PRS declare.PST.PTCP that.COMP this the truth is | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
It is hereby declared that this is the truth. |
Hy is na beweer word die skuldige. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he is according allege.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS the guilty | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He is allegedly the guilty one. |
In the organisation of old and new information, the speaker may prefer to topicalise the theme rather than the agent, and to rather formulate the content of (57a) as (57b).
Topicalisation may also allow the speaker to move from one clause to another without changing the topic:
'n Vrag appels het in die pad bly lê en is deur omstanders weggedra. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
a load apples have.AUX in the road remain.LINK lie.INF (active) and be.AUX.PASS.PST by bystanders away.carry.PST.PTCP (passive) | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
A load of apples remained lying on the road and was carried away by bystanders. |
Ambiguity as a result of levelling in Afrikaans personal pronouns may be avoided by using the passive rather than the active. As the nominative / oblique distinction in personal pronouns is only retained in the singular and the sentential subject is not restricted to clause-initial position, a sentence such as (59a) and (59b) may be ambiguous. (59b) is, however, disambiguated by the explicit reference to an agent in the deur adjunct of (59c).
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