
- Dutch
- Frisian
- Afrikaans
- Dutch
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
- Frisian
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Afrikaans
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
After a brief indication of the some of the movement operations which may be involved in creating orderings which depart from the unmarked order of adverbial and other clausal components, the unmarked order of a number of adverbials will be discussed. It has to be kept in mind that this is largely an uncharted area as far as Afrikaans is concerned, and a great deal of research is still required.
Movement operations include WH-movement, as in (1a), topicalisation, as in (1b), extraposition, as in (1c) and focus movement, as in (1d).
a. | Die bobbejaan eet 'n piesang. |
the baboon eat a banana | |
The baboon is eating a banana. |
a.' | Wat eet die bobbejaan? |
what eat the baboon | |
What is the baboon eating? |
b. | Daar is baie lawaai in die straat. |
there is much noise in the street | |
There is a lot of noise in the street. |
b.' | In die straat is daar baie lawaai. |
in the street is there much noise | |
In the street there is a lot of noise. |
c. | Sy het haar laaste sente vir liefdadigheid gegee. |
she have.AUX her last cents for charity give.PST.PTCP | |
She gave her last cents to charity. |
c.' | Sy het haar laaste sente gegee vir liefdadigheid. |
she have.AUX her last cents give.PST.PTCP for charity | |
She gave her last cents to charity. |
d. | Die span het net met die opruiming begin. |
the team have.AUX only with the cleanup begin.PST.PTCP | |
The team started only with the cleanup. |
d.' | Net die span het met die opruiming begin. |
only the team have.AUX with the cleanup begin.PST.PTCP | |
Only the team started with the cleanup. |
The mutual ordering of adverbials is discussed in order to determine the unmarked placement of specific adverbial types. This is done in two sections, namely (A) the mutual ordering of VP adverbials, i.e. adverbials only having scope over the verb phrase, and (B) the mutual ordering of clause adverbials, i.e. adverbials having scope over an entire clause or even complex sentence. After each section a hypothetical overall ordering of the adverbials in question is suggested.
For example, in the VP adverbial category, an instrumental adverbial, which is a kind of process adverbial, is preceded rather than followed by a manner adverbial, as illustrated in (2).
a. | Hulle het die gewonde met spoed met 'n ambulans verwyder. | ||||||||||||||
they have.AUX the wounded.one with speed with an ambulance remove.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
They removed the wounded one speedily with an ambulance. |
b. | ?Hulle het die gewonde met 'n ambulans met spoed verwyder. | ||||||||||||||
they have.AUX the wounded.one with an ambulance speedily remove.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
They speedily removed the wounded one with an ambulance. |
As another example, temporal adverbials seem to precede predicate-degree adverbials:
a. | Sy het gister baie met haar motor gesukkel. | ||||||||||||||
she have.AUX yesterday a.lot with her car struggle.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
She struggled a lot yesterday with her car. |
b. | ?Sy het baie gister met haar motor gesukkel. | ||||||||||||||
she have.AUX a.lot yesterday with her car struggle.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
She struggled a lot with her car yesterday. |
Among the clause adverbials, evidentials seems to precede subject-oriented adverbials, as in (4a), and point-of-view adverbials to precede temporal adverbials, as in (4b).
a. | Dat hulle glo graag dans, is waar. |
that.COMP they presumably eagerly dance is true | |
That they presumably dance eagerly is true. |
a.' | *Dat hulle graag glo dans, is waar. |
that.COMP they eagerly presumably dance is true | |
That they presumably dance eagerly is true. |
b. | Die besending word volgens hom môre verwag. |
the consignment be.AUX.PASS.PRS according.to him tomorrow expect.PST.PTCP | |
According to him, the consignment is expected tomorrow. |
b.' | ?Die besending word môre volgens hom verwag. |
the consignment be.AUX.PASS.PRS tomorrow according.to him expect.PST.PTCP | |
According to him, the consignment is expected tomorrow. |
See further discussion under the following headings: (A) Mutual ordering of VP adverbials; (B) Mutual ordering of clause adverbials
- Movement operations affecting adverbials
- (A) Mutual ordering of VP adverbials
- Process adverbials
- Agentive adverbials
- Spatio-temporal adverbials
- Contingency adverbials
- Predicate-degree adverbials
- (B) Mutual ordering of clause adverbials
- Scope-bearing adverbials
- Evaluative adverbials
- Spatio-temporal and contingency adverbials
- Point-of-view adverbials
In this section a number of movement operations to which adverbials may be subjected are presented.
a. | Jan het beslis goed gehardloop. |
Jan have.AUX definitely well run.PST.PTCP | |
Jan has definitely run well. |
a.' | Hoe het Jan gehardloop? |
how have.AUX Jan run.PST.PTCP | |
How did Jan run? |
b. | Marie het die wond met 'n pleister toegeplak. |
Marie have.AUX the wound with a plaster closed.stick.PST.PTCP | |
Marie covered the wound with a plaster. |
b.' | Waarmee het Marie die wond toegeplak? |
where.with have.AUX Marie the wound closed.stick.PST.PTCP | |
With what did Marie cover the wound? |
c. | André het met die bure geredekawel. |
André have.AUX with the neighbours argue.PST.PTCP | |
André argued with the neighbours. |
c.' | Met wie het André geredekawel? |
with whom have.AUX André argue.PST.PTCP | |
With whom did André argue? |
Topicalisation also has the effect of moving adverbials to the beginning of the clause:
a. | Jan het beslis goed gehardloop. |
Jan have.AUX definitely well run.PST.PTCP | |
Jan definitely ran well. |
a.' | Goed het Jan beslis gehardloop. |
well have.AUX Jan definitely run.PST.PTCP | |
Jan definitely ran well. |
b. | Marie het die wond met 'n pleister toegeplak |
Marie have.AUX the wound with a plaster closed.stick.PST.PTCP | |
Marie covered the wound with a plaster. |
b.' | Met 'n pleister het Marie die wond toegeplak. |
with a plaster have.AUX Marie the wound closed.stick.PST.PTCP | |
With a plaster Marie covered the wound. |
c. | André het gereeld met die bure geredekawel. |
André have.AUX often with the neighbours argue.PST.PTCP | |
André often argued with the neighbours. |
c.' | Met die bure het André gereeld geredekawel. |
with the neighbours have.AUX André often argue.PST.PTCP | |
With the neighbours, André often argued. |
a. | Lisl het in die koue see gaan swem. |
Lisl have.AUX in the cold sea go.LINK swim.INF | |
Lisl went for a swim in the cold sea. |
a.' | Lisl het gaan swem in die koue see. |
Lisl have.AUX go.LINK swim.INF in the cold sea | |
Lisl went for a swim in the cold sea. |
b. | *Louis het dat die stof so staan gehardloop. |
Louis have.AUX that.COMP the dust so stand run.PST.PTCP | |
Louis ran like blazes. |
b.' | Louis het gehardloop dat die stof so staan. |
Louis have.AUX run.PST.PTCP that.COMP the dust so stand | |
Louis ran like blazes. |
a. | Piet het nie net met Sarie gesels nie, maar ook met Elise. | ||||||||||||||
Piet have.AUX not only with Sarie chat.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG but.CNJ also with Elise | |||||||||||||||
Piet not only chatted with Sarie but also with Elise. |
b. | Piet het met Sarie nie net gesels nie, maar ook gestry. | ||||||||||||||
Piet have.AUX with Sarie not only chat.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG but.CNJ also quarrel.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
Piet not only chatted but also quarreled with Sarie. |
In what follows the unmarked mutual ordering of types of VP adverbials is described as it is encountered in subordinate clauses. The preferred orders which are suggested are hypothetical and require further inquiry. The types that will be taken as a point of departure, are process, agentive, spatio-temporal, contingency and predicate-degree adverbials.
Process adverbials such as instrument and means adverbials, as in (9a) and (9b) respectively, are preceded rather than followed by manner adverbials and comitatives, as in (9c).
a. | dat Jan die kas deeglik met 'n sleutel gesluit het. |
that.COMP Jan the cupboard thoroughly with a key lock.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
that Jan locked the cupboard thoroughly with a key, |
a.' | ?dat Jan die kas met 'n sleutel deeglik gesluit het. |
that.COMP Jan the cupboard with a key thoroughly lock.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
that Jan locked the cupboard with a key thoroughly |
b. | dat Marie die koek goed met suiker bestrooi het. |
that.COMP Marie the cake well with sugar sprinkle.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
that Marie sprinkled the cake well with sugar. |
b.' | ?dat Marie die koek met suiker goed bestrooi het. |
that.COMP Marie the cake with sugar well sprinkle.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
that Marie sprinkled the cake with sugar well. |
c. | dat Sarie die pap saam met hulle met suiker eet. |
that.COMP Sarie the porridge together with them with sugar eat | |
that Sarie eats the porridge together with them with sugar. |
c.' | ?dat Sarie die pap met suiker saam met hulle eet. |
that.COMP Sarie the porridge with sugar together with them eat | |
that Sarie eats the porridge with sugar together with them. |
Two other process adverbials are domain and volition adverbials. Manner adverbials also precede domain adverbials:
a. | dat Jan skelmpies polities geïndoktrineer word. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Jan furtively politically indoctrinate.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |||||||||||||||
that Jan is being furtively indoctrinated politically. |
b. | ?dat Jan polities skelmpies geïndoktrineer word. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Jan politically furtively indoctrinate.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |||||||||||||||
that Jan is being politically indoctrinated furtively. |
Volition adverbials, which are also process adverbials, however precede both manner and means adverbials, as in (11a) and (11b), respectively.
a. | dat Jan hom vrywillig intensief met stemwerwery besig hou. |
that.COMP Jan him.REFL voluntarily intensively with vote.canvassing busy keep | |
that Jan is voluntarily occupying himself intensively with the canvassing of votes. |
a.' | ?dat Jan hom intensief vrywillig met stemwerwery besig hou. |
that.COMP Jan him.REFL intensively voluntarily with vote.canvassing busy keep | |
that Jan is intensively occupying himself voluntarily with the canvassing of votes. |
This suggests volition > manner > comitative > process, the latter with instrument as a prominent function, as a possible order.
A passive deur-phrase is preceded by a manner adverb, as in (12a), but followed by a comitativemet-phrase, as in (12b).
a. | dat die appel versigtig deur Eva gepluk is. |
that.COMP the apple carefully by Eve pick.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |
that the apple was carefully picked by Eve. |
a.' | ?dat die appel deur Eva versigtig gepluk is. |
that.COMP the apple by Eve carefully pick.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |
that the apple was picked carefully by Eve. |
b. | dat die appel deur Eva met Adam gedeel is. |
that.COMP the apple by Eve with Adam share.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |
that the apple was shared by Eve with Adam. |
b.' | ?dat die appel met Adam deur Eva gedeel is. |
that.COMP the apple with Adam by Eve share.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |
that the apple was shared with Adam by Eve. |
This indicates an order of manner > agentive > comitative.
Temporal and locational adverbials precede manner adverbials, and temporal precede locational adverbials:
a. | dat Jan voor vieruur vinnig huis toe kan gaan. |
that.COMP Jan before four o'clock quickly home to.POSTP can.AUX.MOD go.INF | |
that Jan can go home before four o'clock quickly |
a.' | ?dat Jan vinnig voor vieruur huis toe kan gaan. |
that.COMP Jan quickly before four o'clock home to.POSTP can.AUX.MOD go.INF | |
that Jan can quickly go home before four o'clock. |
b. | dat Jan by die werk ywerig wil voorkom. |
that.COMP Jan at the work diligent want.to.AUX.MOD appear.INF | |
that at work Jan wants to appear to be diligent. |
b.' | ?dat Jan ywerig by die werk wil voorkom. |
that.COMP Jan diligent at the work want.to.AUX.MOD appear.INF | |
that Jan wants to appear to be diligent at work. |
c. | dat Jan voor vieruur by die werk wil wees. |
that.COMP Jan before four.o'clock at the work want.to.AUX.MOD be.INF | |
that Jan wants to be before four o'clock at work. |
c.' | ?dat Jan by die werk voor vieruur wil wees. |
that.COMP Jan at the work before four.o'clock want.to.AUX.MOD be.INF | |
that Jan wants to be at work before four o'clock |
The suggested order is: temporal > locational > manner.
Contingency adverbials precede temporal and volitional adverbials, and temporal adverbials precede volitional adverbials:
a. | dat Jan vanweë sy werklas laat moet gaan slaap. |
that.COMP Jan because.of his work.load late must.AUX.MOD go.LINK sleep.INF | |
that Jan because of his work load has to go to bed late. |
a.' | ?dat Jan laat vanweë sy werklas moet gaan slaap. |
that.COMP Jan late because.of his work.load must.AUX.MOD go.LINK sleep.INF | |
that Jan has to go to bed late because of his work load . |
b. | dat Jan as gevolg van die weer teësinnig werk toe gaan. |
that.COMP Jan as a result of the weather reluctantly work to.POSTP go.PRS | |
that Jan as a result of the weather reluctantly goes to work. |
b.' | ?dat Jan teësinnig as gevolg van die weer werk toe gaan. |
that.COMP Jan reluctantly as a result of the weather work to.POSTP go.PRS | |
that Jan goes to work reluctantly as a result of the weather. |
c. | dat Jan vanoggend swaar opstaan. |
that.COMP Jan this.morning with.difficulty up.get | |
that Jan this morning rises with difficulty |
c.' | ?dat Jan swaar vanoggend opstaan. |
that.COMP Jan with difficulty this.morning up.get | |
that Jan rises with difficulty this morning |
This suggests an order of contingency > temporal > volitional.
Temporal and locational precede predicate-degree adverbials, and temporal adverbials precede locational adverbials.
a. | dat die swart mamba vandag erg gevrees word. |
that.COMP the black mamba today very.much fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that today the black mamba is feared very much |
a.' | ?dat die swart mamba erg vandag gevrees word. |
that.COMP the black mamba very.much today fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that the black mamba is feared very much today |
b. | dat die swart mamba hier erg gevrees word. |
that.COMP the black mamba here very.much fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that the black mamba is feared here very much. |
b.' | ?dat die swart mamba erg hier gevrees word. |
that.COMP the black mamba very.much here fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that the black mamba is feared very much here. |
c. | dat die swart mamba vandag hier gevrees word. |
that.COMP the black mamba today here fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that the black mamba today is feared here. |
c.' | ?dat die swart mamba hier vandag gevrees word. |
that.COMP the black mamba here today fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that the black mamba is feared here today. |
Predicate-degree adverbials usually precede domain adverbials:
a. | dat Sanet behoorlik medies ondersoek is. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Sanet properly medically examine.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |||||||||||||||
that Sanet was properly examined medically. |
b. | ?dat Sanet medies behoorlik ondersoek is. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Sanet medically properly examine.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |||||||||||||||
that Sanet was medically examined properly. |
This suggests an order of temporal > locational > predicate-degree > domain adverbials, and a composite order for VP adverbials as: contingency > temporal > locational > volitional > manner > agentive > comitative > instrument > predicate-degree > domain.
The ordering of clause adverbials will be discussed with reference to four types, namely scope-bearing adverbials, with scope over the proposition expressed in the lexical domain of the verb, evaluative adverbials, involved in a subjective evaluation of properties expressed by the clause, spatio-temporal and contingency adverbials, and point-of-view adverbials.
A scope-bearing adverbial such as the negative particle nie or a positive particle such as wel indeed is preceded by an epistemic clause adverbial and followed by VP adverbials, as illiustrated in example (17).
a. | dat Chantal dalk nie op kantoor wil bly nie. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Chantal perhaps not at office want.to.AUX.MOD stay.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
that Chantal perhaps doesn't want to stay at the office. |
b. | dat Charl miskien wel op kantoor wil bly. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Charl perhaps indeed at office want.to.AUX.MOD stay.INF | |||||||||||||||
that Charl perhaps wants to stay at the office. |
Focus particles, such as selfs even and juis precisely, only are positioned between epistemic modals and polarity adverbials, as in (18a), and slegs only after a polarity adverbial, as in (18b), while net only can precede or follow a polarity adverbial.
a. | dat Chantal waarskynlik selfs nie met Charl wil praat nie. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Chantal probably even not with Charl want.to.AUX.MOD talk.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
that Chantal probably doesn't even want to talk to Charl. |
b. | dat Chantal waarskynlik nie slegs met Charl wil praat nie. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Chantal probably not only with Charl want.to.AUX.MOD talk.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
that Chantal probably doesn't want to talk with Charl only |
Aspectual adverbials, which include frequentative dikwels often, iterative kort-kort at short intervals, aanmekaar continuously and terminative klaar to a finish, precede focus particles but follow epistemic modals:
dat Chantal dalk dikwels net wil gesels. |
that.COMP Chantal perhaps often only want.to.AUX.MOD chat.INF |
that Chantal perhaps often only wants to chat. |
A clause-degree adverbial such as amper almost may precede the focus particle ook also, and be preceded by the evidential modal glo presumably.
dat Charl glo amper ook sy huis verkoop het. |
that.COMP Charl presumably almost also his house sell.PST.PTCP have.AUX |
that Charl presumably almost sold his house too. |
The unmarked order of scope-bearing clause adverbials may therefore be tentatively stated as: epistemic/evidential > aspectual > clause-degree > focus || polarity > VP adverbial. Note that focus and polarity occur in both orders, depending on the adverbial in question.
Subject-oriented adverbials expressing the speaker's preference, such as graag preferably in (21a) and liewer, liefs rather in (21b) are ordered differently vis-à-vis the negative. The focus particle ook also precedes the negative in both cases.
a. | dat Henning ook nie graag Bach luister nie. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Henning also not eagerly Bach listen.PRS PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
that Henning also does not eagerly listen to Bach |
b. | dat Henning liewer ook nie Bach luister nie. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Henning rather also not Bach listen.PRS PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
that Henning would rather also not listen to Bach. |
Evidentials precede subject-oriented adverbials, as shown in (22).
dat Henning glo graag/liewer opera luister. |
that.COMP Henning presumably eagerly/rather opera listen.PRS |
that Henning presumably would eagerly/rather listen to opera. |
A point-of-view adverbial such as myns insiens to my mind precedes an epistemic, a subject-oriented and a subjective adverbial, as in (23a), (23b) and (23c) respectively.
a. | dat Ina myns insiens definitief van Callas hou. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Ina to.my.mind definitely of Callas like | |||||||||||||||
that Ina to my mind definitely likes Callas. |
b. | dat Anna myns insiens wyslik haar swye bewaar. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Anna to.my.mind wisely her silence keep.PRS | |||||||||||||||
that Anna to my mind wisely remains silent. |
c. | dat ander myns insiens ongelukkig niks luister nie. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP others to.my.mind unfortunately nothing listen PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
that others to my mind unfortunately listen to nothing. |
The following ordering seems likely: point-of-view adverbial > epistemic/evidential modal > subject-oriented adverbial (liewer/liefs) > negation > subject-oriented adverbial (graag).
The fact that adverbials of time and location can precede clause adverbials such as epistemic modals indicates that they are also able to function as clause adverbials:
a. | dat die werkers môre moontlik die probleem sal oplos. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP the workers tomorrow possibly the problem will.AUX.MOD solve.INF | |||||||||||||||
that the workers will tomorrow possibly solve the problem. |
b. | dat die swemmer ver van die strand waarskynlik probleme ondervind. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP the swimmer far from the beach probably problems experience.PRS | |||||||||||||||
that the swimmer far from the beach probably experiences problems. |
Spatio-temporal adverbials may even precede a subject-oriented adverbial, as in (25a), or a subjective adverbial, as in (25b).
a. | dat Jan gister wyslik tuis gebly het. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Jan yesterday wisely at.home stay.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
that Jan yesterday wisely stayed at home. |
b. | dat Janet helaas in Garies nie geholpe kon raak nie. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Janet unfortunately in Garies not helped.ADJ can.AUX.MOD.PRT get.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
that Janet unfortunately could not get help in Garies. |
As clause adverbials, spatio-temporal adverbials may be preceded by other clause adverbials, rendering the following unmarked order possible: epistemic modal/ subject-oriented adverbial / subjective adverbial > spatio-temporal adverbial.
As point-of-view adverbials express an opinion about a proposition they are not only semantically separated from the basic meaning of the proposition but also syntactically loosely integrated into the clause, with parenthesis-like status. This also influences the ordering of point-of-view adverbials vis-à-vis other adverbials, and we find that they can precede, for instance, contingency and spatio-temporal adverbials, as in (26a), but also follow contingency and spatio-temporal adverbials, as in (26b). It is consequently difficult to determine an unmarked order.
a. | dat die direkteur myns insiens oor sy vergrype afgedank sal word. |
that.COMP the director to.my.mind about his transgressions discharge.PST.PTCP will.AUX.MOD be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that the director to my mind will be discharged because of his transgressions |
a.' | dat Gert na my mening eersdaags in die pos aangestel sal word. |
that.COMP Gert to.my.mind soon in the post appoint.PST.PTCP will.AUX.MOD be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |
that Gert to my mind will soon be appointed to the post |
b. | dat daar vanweë die droogte volgens hom groot veeverliese was. |
that.COMP there as.a.result.of the drought according.to him big cattle.losses be.PRT | |
that as a result of the drought there were according to him big cattle losses |
b.' | dat daar in die Karoo syns insiens min weiding is. |
that.COMP there in the Karoo in.his.opinion little grazing is | |
that in the Karoo there is little grazing in his opinion. |
A speech act related clause such as om die waarheid te sê to tell the truth varies syntactically from a fully integrated phrase, as in (27a), to a loosely integrated phrase, as in (27b), to an interjection preposed to a clause without the verb-second link, as in (27c).
a. | dat Celeste om die waarheid te sê môre oorsee gaan. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP Celeste for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF tomorrow overseas go.PRS | |||||||||||||||
that Celeste to tell the truth is going overseas tomorrow. |
b. | dat, om die waarheid te sê, Celeste môre oorsee gaan. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF Celeste tomorrow overseas go.PRS | |||||||||||||||
that, to tell the truth, Celeste is going overseas tomorrow. |
c. | Om die waarheid te sê, Celeste gaan môre oorsee. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF Celeste go.PRS tomorrow overseas | |||||||||||||||
To tell the truth, Celeste is going overseas tomorrow. |
The following order may be tentatively suggested for clause adverbials (with focus and negation attested in both orders): point-of-view > modal (epistemic, evidential) > subject-oriented > clause-degree > focus || negation > subject-oriented (graag).
The orders suggested above are in the most cases abstractions as it is unlikely that more than two or three of these functions will occur together in one clause. A great deal of research is still required to mutually correlate all adverbial types and refine all the possible orders.
