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    The unmarked order of adverbial modifiers
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    After a brief indication of the some of the movement operations which may be involved in creating orderings which depart from the unmarked order of adverbial and other clausal components, the unmarked order of a number of adverbials will be discussed. It has to be kept in mind that this is largely an uncharted area as far as Afrikaans is concerned, and a great deal of research is still required.

    Movement operations include WH-movement, as in (1a), topicalisation, as in (1b), extraposition, as in (1c) and focus movement, as in (1d).

    Example 1

    a. Die bobbejaan eet 'n piesang.
    the baboon eat a banana
    The baboon is eating a banana.
    a.' Wat eet die bobbejaan?
    what eat the baboon
    What is the baboon eating?
    b. Daar is baie lawaai in die straat.
    there is much noise in the street
    There is a lot of noise in the street.
    b.' In die straat is daar baie lawaai.
    in the street is there much noise
    In the street there is a lot of noise.
    c. Sy het haar laaste sente vir liefdadigheid gegee.
    she have.AUX her last cents for charity give.PST.PTCP
    She gave her last cents to charity.
    c.' Sy het haar laaste sente gegee vir liefdadigheid.
    she have.AUX her last cents give.PST.PTCP for charity
    She gave her last cents to charity.
    d. Die span het net met die opruiming begin.
    the team have.AUX only with the cleanup begin.PST.PTCP
    The team started only with the cleanup.
    d.' Net die span het met die opruiming begin.
    only the team have.AUX with the cleanup begin.PST.PTCP
    Only the team started with the cleanup.

    The mutual ordering of adverbials is discussed in order to determine the unmarked placement of specific adverbial types. This is done in two sections, namely (A) the mutual ordering of VP adverbials, i.e. adverbials only having scope over the verb phrase, and (B) the mutual ordering of clause adverbials, i.e. adverbials having scope over an entire clause or even complex sentence. After each section a hypothetical overall ordering of the adverbials in question is suggested.

    For example, in the VP adverbial category, an instrumental adverbial, which is a kind of process adverbial, is preceded rather than followed by a manner adverbial, as illustrated in (2).

    Example 2

    a. Hulle het die gewonde met spoed met 'n ambulans verwyder.
    they have.AUX the wounded.one with speed with an ambulance remove.PST.PTCP
    They removed the wounded one speedily with an ambulance.
    b. ?Hulle het die gewonde met 'n ambulans met spoed verwyder.
    they have.AUX the wounded.one with an ambulance speedily remove.PST.PTCP
    They speedily removed the wounded one with an ambulance.

    As another example, temporal adverbials seem to precede predicate-degree adverbials:

    Example 3

    a. Sy het gister baie met haar motor gesukkel.
    she have.AUX yesterday a.lot with her car struggle.PST.PTCP
    She struggled a lot yesterday with her car.
    b. ?Sy het baie gister met haar motor gesukkel.
    she have.AUX a.lot yesterday with her car struggle.PST.PTCP
    She struggled a lot with her car yesterday.

    Among the clause adverbials, evidentials seems to precede subject-oriented adverbials, as in (4a), and point-of-view adverbials to precede temporal adverbials, as in (4b).

    Example 4

    a. Dat hulle glo graag dans, is waar.
    that.COMP they presumably eagerly dance is true
    That they presumably dance eagerly is true.
    a.' *Dat hulle graag glo dans, is waar.
    that.COMP they eagerly presumably dance is true
    That they presumably dance eagerly is true.
    b. Die besending word volgens hom môre verwag.
    the consignment be.AUX.PASS.PRS according.to him tomorrow expect.PST.PTCP
    According to him, the consignment is expected tomorrow.
    b.' ?Die besending word môre volgens hom verwag.
    the consignment be.AUX.PASS.PRS tomorrow according.to him expect.PST.PTCP
    According to him, the consignment is expected tomorrow.

    See further discussion under the following headings: (A) Mutual ordering of VP adverbials; (B) Mutual ordering of clause adverbials

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    [+]Movement operations affecting adverbials

    In this section a number of movement operations to which adverbials may be subjected are presented.

    Wh-movement and topicalisation
    Adverbial phrases that can be questioned may be moved into clause-initial position. This is demonstrated by (5a) for a manner adverbial, (5b) for a means adverbial and (5c) for a comitative adverbial.

    Example 5

    a. Jan het beslis goed gehardloop.
    Jan have.AUX definitely well run.PST.PTCP
    Jan has definitely run well.
    a.' Hoe het Jan gehardloop?
    how have.AUX Jan run.PST.PTCP
    How did Jan run?
    b. Marie het die wond met 'n pleister toegeplak.
    Marie have.AUX the wound with a plaster closed.stick.PST.PTCP
    Marie covered the wound with a plaster.
    b.' Waarmee het Marie die wond toegeplak?
    where.with have.AUX Marie the wound closed.stick.PST.PTCP
    With what did Marie cover the wound?
    c. André het met die bure geredekawel.
    André have.AUX with the neighbours argue.PST.PTCP
    André argued with the neighbours.
    c.' Met wie het André geredekawel?
    with whom have.AUX André argue.PST.PTCP
    With whom did André argue?

    Topicalisation also has the effect of moving adverbials to the beginning of the clause:

    Example 6

    a. Jan het beslis goed gehardloop.
    Jan have.AUX definitely well run.PST.PTCP
    Jan definitely ran well.
    a.' Goed het Jan beslis gehardloop.
    well have.AUX Jan definitely run.PST.PTCP
    Jan definitely ran well.
    b. Marie het die wond met 'n pleister toegeplak
    Marie have.AUX the wound with a plaster closed.stick.PST.PTCP
    Marie covered the wound with a plaster.
    b.' Met 'n pleister het Marie die wond toegeplak.
    with a plaster have.AUX Marie the wound closed.stick.PST.PTCP
    With a plaster Marie covered the wound.
    c. André het gereeld met die bure geredekawel.
    André have.AUX often with the neighbours argue.PST.PTCP
    André often argued with the neighbours.
    c.' Met die bure het André gereeld geredekawel.
    with the neighbours have.AUX André often argue.PST.PTCP
    With the neighbours, André often argued.

    Extraposition
    Adverbials with a phrasal or clausal structure are often moved to the end of the clause, the latter usually obligatorily.

    Example 7

    a. Lisl het in die koue see gaan swem.
    Lisl have.AUX in the cold sea go.LINK swim.INF
    Lisl went for a swim in the cold sea.
    a.' Lisl het gaan swem in die koue see.
    Lisl have.AUX go.LINK swim.INF in the cold sea
    Lisl went for a swim in the cold sea.
    b. *Louis het dat die stof so staan gehardloop.
    Louis have.AUX that.COMP the dust so stand run.PST.PTCP
    Louis ran like blazes.
    b.' Louis het gehardloop dat die stof so staan.
    Louis have.AUX run.PST.PTCP that.COMP the dust so stand
    Louis ran like blazes.

    Focus movement
    In the following the negative may be moved for reasons of contrast.

    Example 8

    a. Piet het nie net met Sarie gesels nie, maar ook met Elise.
    Piet have.AUX not only with Sarie chat.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG but.CNJ also with Elise
    Piet not only chatted with Sarie but also with Elise.
    b. Piet het met Sarie nie net gesels nie, maar ook gestry.
    Piet have.AUX with Sarie not only chat.PST.PTCP PTCL.NEG but.CNJ also quarrel.PST.PTCP
    Piet not only chatted but also quarreled with Sarie.
    [+](A) Mutual ordering of VP adverbials

    In what follows the unmarked mutual ordering of types of VP adverbials is described as it is encountered in subordinate clauses. The preferred orders which are suggested are hypothetical and require further inquiry. The types that will be taken as a point of departure, are process, agentive, spatio-temporal, contingency and predicate-degree adverbials.

    [+]Process adverbials

    Process adverbials such as instrument and means adverbials, as in (9a) and (9b) respectively, are preceded rather than followed by manner adverbials and comitatives, as in (9c).

    Example 9

    a. dat Jan die kas deeglik met 'n sleutel gesluit het.
    that.COMP Jan the cupboard thoroughly with a key lock.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    that Jan locked the cupboard thoroughly with a key,
    a.' ?dat Jan die kas met 'n sleutel deeglik gesluit het.
    that.COMP Jan the cupboard with a key thoroughly lock.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    that Jan locked the cupboard with a key thoroughly
    b. dat Marie die koek goed met suiker bestrooi het.
    that.COMP Marie the cake well with sugar sprinkle.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    that Marie sprinkled the cake well with sugar.
    b.' ?dat Marie die koek met suiker goed bestrooi het.
    that.COMP Marie the cake with sugar well sprinkle.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    that Marie sprinkled the cake with sugar well.
    c. dat Sarie die pap saam met hulle met suiker eet.
    that.COMP Sarie the porridge together with them with sugar eat
    that Sarie eats the porridge together with them with sugar.
    c.' ?dat Sarie die pap met suiker saam met hulle eet.
    that.COMP Sarie the porridge with sugar together with them eat
    that Sarie eats the porridge with sugar together with them.

    Two other process adverbials are domain and volition adverbials. Manner adverbials also precede domain adverbials:

    Example 10

    a. dat Jan skelmpies polities geïndoktrineer word.
    that.COMP Jan furtively politically indoctrinate.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that Jan is being furtively indoctrinated politically.
    b. ?dat Jan polities skelmpies geïndoktrineer word.
    that.COMP Jan politically furtively indoctrinate.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that Jan is being politically indoctrinated furtively.

    Volition adverbials, which are also process adverbials, however precede both manner and means adverbials, as in (11a) and (11b), respectively.

    Example 11

    a. dat Jan hom vrywillig intensief met stemwerwery besig hou.
    that.COMP Jan him.REFL voluntarily intensively with vote.canvassing busy keep
    that Jan is voluntarily occupying himself intensively with the canvassing of votes.
    a.' ?dat Jan hom intensief vrywillig met stemwerwery besig hou.
    that.COMP Jan him.REFL intensively voluntarily with vote.canvassing busy keep
    that Jan is intensively occupying himself voluntarily with the canvassing of votes.

    This suggests volition > manner > comitative > process, the latter with instrument as a prominent function, as a possible order.

    [+]Agentive adverbials

    A passive deur-phrase is preceded by a manner adverb, as in (12a), but followed by a comitativemet-phrase, as in (12b).

    Example 12

    a. dat die appel versigtig deur Eva gepluk is.
    that.COMP the apple carefully by Eve pick.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST
    that the apple was carefully picked by Eve.
    a.' ?dat die appel deur Eva versigtig gepluk is.
    that.COMP the apple by Eve carefully pick.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST
    that the apple was picked carefully by Eve.
    b. dat die appel deur Eva met Adam gedeel is.
    that.COMP the apple by Eve with Adam share.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST
    that the apple was shared by Eve with Adam.
    b.' ?dat die appel met Adam deur Eva gedeel is.
    that.COMP the apple with Adam by Eve share.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST
    that the apple was shared with Adam by Eve.

    This indicates an order of manner > agentive > comitative.

    [+]Spatio-temporal adverbials

    Temporal and locational adverbials precede manner adverbials, and temporal precede locational adverbials:

    Example 13

    a. dat Jan voor vieruur vinnig huis toe kan gaan.
    that.COMP Jan before four o'clock quickly home to.POSTP can.AUX.MOD go.INF
    that Jan can go home before four o'clock quickly
    a.' ?dat Jan vinnig voor vieruur huis toe kan gaan.
    that.COMP Jan quickly before four o'clock home to.POSTP can.AUX.MOD go.INF
    that Jan can quickly go home before four o'clock.
    b. dat Jan by die werk ywerig wil voorkom.
    that.COMP Jan at the work diligent want.to.AUX.MOD appear.INF
    that at work Jan wants to appear to be diligent.
    b.' ?dat Jan ywerig by die werk wil voorkom.
    that.COMP Jan diligent at the work want.to.AUX.MOD appear.INF
    that Jan wants to appear to be diligent at work.
    c. dat Jan voor vieruur by die werk wil wees.
    that.COMP Jan before four.o'clock at the work want.to.AUX.MOD be.INF
    that Jan wants to be before four o'clock at work.
    c.' ?dat Jan by die werk voor vieruur wil wees.
    that.COMP Jan at the work before four.o'clock want.to.AUX.MOD be.INF
    that Jan wants to be at work before four o'clock

    The suggested order is: temporal > locational > manner.

    [+]Contingency adverbials

    Contingency adverbials precede temporal and volitional adverbials, and temporal adverbials precede volitional adverbials:

    Example 14

    a. dat Jan vanweë sy werklas laat moet gaan slaap.
    that.COMP Jan because.of his work.load late must.AUX.MOD go.LINK sleep.INF
    that Jan because of his work load has to go to bed late.
    a.' ?dat Jan laat vanweë sy werklas moet gaan slaap.
    that.COMP Jan late because.of his work.load must.AUX.MOD go.LINK sleep.INF
    that Jan has to go to bed late because of his work load .
    b. dat Jan as gevolg van die weer teësinnig werk toe gaan.
    that.COMP Jan as a result of the weather reluctantly work to.POSTP go.PRS
    that Jan as a result of the weather reluctantly goes to work.
    b.' ?dat Jan teësinnig as gevolg van die weer werk toe gaan.
    that.COMP Jan reluctantly as a result of the weather work to.POSTP go.PRS
    that Jan goes to work reluctantly as a result of the weather.
    c. dat Jan vanoggend swaar opstaan.
    that.COMP Jan this.morning with.difficulty up.get
    that Jan this morning rises with difficulty
    c.' ?dat Jan swaar vanoggend opstaan.
    that.COMP Jan with difficulty this.morning up.get
    that Jan rises with difficulty this morning

    This suggests an order of contingency > temporal > volitional.

    [+]Predicate-degree adverbials

    Temporal and locational precede predicate-degree adverbials, and temporal adverbials precede locational adverbials.

    Example 15

    a. dat die swart mamba vandag erg gevrees word.
    that.COMP the black mamba today very.much fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that today the black mamba is feared very much
    a.' ?dat die swart mamba erg vandag gevrees word.
    that.COMP the black mamba very.much today fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that the black mamba is feared very much today
    b. dat die swart mamba hier erg gevrees word.
    that.COMP the black mamba here very.much fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that the black mamba is feared here very much.
    b.' ?dat die swart mamba erg hier gevrees word.
    that.COMP the black mamba very.much here fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that the black mamba is feared very much here.
    c. dat die swart mamba vandag hier gevrees word.
    that.COMP the black mamba today here fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that the black mamba today is feared here.
    c.' ?dat die swart mamba hier vandag gevrees word.
    that.COMP the black mamba here today fear.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that the black mamba is feared here today.

    Predicate-degree adverbials usually precede domain adverbials:

    Example 16

    a. dat Sanet behoorlik medies ondersoek is.
    that.COMP Sanet properly medically examine.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST
    that Sanet was properly examined medically.
    b. ?dat Sanet medies behoorlik ondersoek is.
    that.COMP Sanet medically properly examine.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST
    that Sanet was medically examined properly.

    This suggests an order of temporal > locational > predicate-degree > domain adverbials, and a composite order for VP adverbials as: contingency > temporal > locational > volitional > manner > agentive > comitative > instrument > predicate-degree > domain.

    [+](B) Mutual ordering of clause adverbials

    The ordering of clause adverbials will be discussed with reference to four types, namely scope-bearing adverbials, with scope over the proposition expressed in the lexical domain of the verb, evaluative adverbials, involved in a subjective evaluation of properties expressed by the clause, spatio-temporal and contingency adverbials, and point-of-view adverbials.

    [+]Scope-bearing adverbials

    A scope-bearing adverbial such as the negative particle nie or a positive particle such as wel indeed is preceded by an epistemic clause adverbial and followed by VP adverbials, as illiustrated in example (17).

    Example 17

    a. dat Chantal dalk nie op kantoor wil bly nie.
    that.COMP Chantal perhaps not at office want.to.AUX.MOD stay.INF PTCL.NEG
    that Chantal perhaps doesn't want to stay at the office.
    b. dat Charl miskien wel op kantoor wil bly.
    that.COMP Charl perhaps indeed at office want.to.AUX.MOD stay.INF
    that Charl perhaps wants to stay at the office.

    Focus particles, such as selfs even and juis precisely, only are positioned between epistemic modals and polarity adverbials, as in (18a), and slegs only after a polarity adverbial, as in (18b), while net only can precede or follow a polarity adverbial.

    Example 18

    a. dat Chantal waarskynlik selfs nie met Charl wil praat nie.
    that.COMP Chantal probably even not with Charl want.to.AUX.MOD talk.INF PTCL.NEG
    that Chantal probably doesn't even want to talk to Charl.
    b. dat Chantal waarskynlik nie slegs met Charl wil praat nie.
    that.COMP Chantal probably not only with Charl want.to.AUX.MOD talk.INF PTCL.NEG
    that Chantal probably doesn't want to talk with Charl only

    Aspectual adverbials, which include frequentative dikwels often, iterative kort-kort at short intervals, aanmekaar continuously and terminative klaar to a finish, precede focus particles but follow epistemic modals:

    Example 19

    dat Chantal dalk dikwels net wil gesels.
    that.COMP Chantal perhaps often only want.to.AUX.MOD chat.INF
    that Chantal perhaps often only wants to chat.

    A clause-degree adverbial such as amper almost may precede the focus particle ook also, and be preceded by the evidential modal glo presumably.

    Example 20

    dat Charl glo amper ook sy huis verkoop het.
    that.COMP Charl presumably almost also his house sell.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    that Charl presumably almost sold his house too.

    The unmarked order of scope-bearing clause adverbials may therefore be tentatively stated as: epistemic/evidential > aspectual > clause-degree > focus || polarity > VP adverbial. Note that focus and polarity occur in both orders, depending on the adverbial in question.

    [+]Evaluative adverbials

    Subject-oriented adverbials expressing the speaker's preference, such as graag preferably in (21a) and liewer, liefs rather in (21b) are ordered differently vis-à-vis the negative. The focus particle ook also precedes the negative in both cases.

    Example 21

    a. dat Henning ook nie graag Bach luister nie.
    that.COMP Henning also not eagerly Bach listen.PRS PTCL.NEG
    that Henning also does not eagerly listen to Bach
    b. dat Henning liewer ook nie Bach luister nie.
    that.COMP Henning rather also not Bach listen.PRS PTCL.NEG
    that Henning would rather also not listen to Bach.

    Evidentials precede subject-oriented adverbials, as shown in (22).

    Example 22

    dat Henning glo graag/liewer opera luister.
    that.COMP Henning presumably eagerly/rather opera listen.PRS
    that Henning presumably would eagerly/rather listen to opera.

    A point-of-view adverbial such as myns insiens to my mind precedes an epistemic, a subject-oriented and a subjective adverbial, as in (23a), (23b) and (23c) respectively.

    Example 23

    a. dat Ina myns insiens definitief van Callas hou.
    that.COMP Ina to.my.mind definitely of Callas like
    that Ina to my mind definitely likes Callas.
    b. dat Anna myns insiens wyslik haar swye bewaar.
    that.COMP Anna to.my.mind wisely her silence keep.PRS
    that Anna to my mind wisely remains silent.
    c. dat ander myns insiens ongelukkig niks luister nie.
    that.COMP others to.my.mind unfortunately nothing listen PTCL.NEG
    that others to my mind unfortunately listen to nothing.

    The following ordering seems likely: point-of-view adverbial > epistemic/evidential modal > subject-oriented adverbial (liewer/liefs) > negation > subject-oriented adverbial (graag).

    [+]Spatio-temporal and contingency adverbials

    The fact that adverbials of time and location can precede clause adverbials such as epistemic modals indicates that they are also able to function as clause adverbials:

    Example 24

    a. dat die werkers môre moontlik die probleem sal oplos.
    that.COMP the workers tomorrow possibly the problem will.AUX.MOD solve.INF
    that the workers will tomorrow possibly solve the problem.
    b. dat die swemmer ver van die strand waarskynlik probleme ondervind.
    that.COMP the swimmer far from the beach probably problems experience.PRS
    that the swimmer far from the beach probably experiences problems.

    Spatio-temporal adverbials may even precede a subject-oriented adverbial, as in (25a), or a subjective adverbial, as in (25b).

    Example 25

    a. dat Jan gister wyslik tuis gebly het.
    that.COMP Jan yesterday wisely at.home stay.PST.PTCP have.AUX
    that Jan yesterday wisely stayed at home.
    b. dat Janet helaas in Garies nie geholpe kon raak nie.
    that.COMP Janet unfortunately in Garies not helped.ADJ can.AUX.MOD.PRT get.INF PTCL.NEG
    that Janet unfortunately could not get help in Garies.

    As clause adverbials, spatio-temporal adverbials may be preceded by other clause adverbials, rendering the following unmarked order possible: epistemic modal/ subject-oriented adverbial / subjective adverbial > spatio-temporal adverbial.

    [+]Point-of-view adverbials

    As point-of-view adverbials express an opinion about a proposition they are not only semantically separated from the basic meaning of the proposition but also syntactically loosely integrated into the clause, with parenthesis-like status. This also influences the ordering of point-of-view adverbials vis-à-vis other adverbials, and we find that they can precede, for instance, contingency and spatio-temporal adverbials, as in (26a), but also follow contingency and spatio-temporal adverbials, as in (26b). It is consequently difficult to determine an unmarked order.

    Example 26

    a. dat die direkteur myns insiens oor sy vergrype afgedank sal word.
    that.COMP the director to.my.mind about his transgressions discharge.PST.PTCP will.AUX.MOD be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that the director to my mind will be discharged because of his transgressions
    a.' dat Gert na my mening eersdaags in die pos aangestel sal word.
    that.COMP Gert to.my.mind soon in the post appoint.PST.PTCP will.AUX.MOD be.AUX.PASS.PRS
    that Gert to my mind will soon be appointed to the post
    b. dat daar vanweë die droogte volgens hom groot veeverliese was.
    that.COMP there as.a.result.of the drought according.to him big cattle.losses be.PRT
    that as a result of the drought there were according to him big cattle losses
    b.' dat daar in die Karoo syns insiens min weiding is.
    that.COMP there in the Karoo in.his.opinion little grazing is
    that in the Karoo there is little grazing in his opinion.

    A speech act related clause such as om die waarheid te sê to tell the truth varies syntactically from a fully integrated phrase, as in (27a), to a loosely integrated phrase, as in (27b), to an interjection preposed to a clause without the verb-second link, as in (27c).

    Example 27

    a. dat Celeste om die waarheid te sê môre oorsee gaan.
    that.COMP Celeste for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF tomorrow overseas go.PRS
    that Celeste to tell the truth is going overseas tomorrow.
    b. dat, om die waarheid te sê, Celeste môre oorsee gaan.
    that.COMP for.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF Celeste tomorrow overseas go.PRS
    that, to tell the truth, Celeste is going overseas tomorrow.
    c. Om die waarheid te sê, Celeste gaan môre oorsee.
    that.COMP the truth PTCL.INF say.INF Celeste go.PRS tomorrow overseas
    To tell the truth, Celeste is going overseas tomorrow.

    The following order may be tentatively suggested for clause adverbials (with focus and negation attested in both orders): point-of-view > modal (epistemic, evidential) > subject-oriented > clause-degree > focus || negation > subject-oriented (graag).

    The orders suggested above are in the most cases abstractions as it is unlikely that more than two or three of these functions will occur together in one clause. A great deal of research is still required to mutually correlate all adverbial types and refine all the possible orders.

    References:
      ABOUT THIS TOPIC
      Author(s):
      Jac Conradie
      Category:
      Afrikaans Syntax
      Publication date:
      14 May 2020
      Keywords:
      agentive adverbialclause adverbialcomitative adverbialcontingency adverbialdomain adverbialevaluative adverbialevidential adverbialextrapositionfocus adverbialinstrumental adverbiallocational adverbialmanner adverbialpoint-of-view adverbialpolarity adverbialpredicate degree adverbialprocess adverbialscope-bearing adverbialspatio-temporal adverbialspeech-act related adverbialsubjective adverbialsubject-oriented adverbialtemporal adverbialtopicalisationvolition adverbialVP adverbialWH-adverbial
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