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3.3.1.Adpositional phrases

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This section is concerned with PPs functioning as postnominal modifiers. Some examples of noun phrases containing such a modifier are given in (40).

a.		tulpen	uit Amsterdam
		tulips	from Amsterdam

b.		een	meisje	met rood haar
		a	girl	with red hair

c.		een	cadeautje	voor mijn moeder
		a	present	for my mother

d.	de	auto	van mijn buurman
	the	car	of my neighbor
	'my neighborʼs car'

e.		het	gekuch	tijdens de voorstelling
		the	coughing	during the performance

The examples in (41) show that the postnominal PP-modifier need not be prepositional in nature, but can also be post- or circumpositional.

a.	de weg	de berg	op
	the road	the mountain	up
	'the road up the mountain'

b.	het kanaal	onder	de weg	door
	the channel	under	the road	through
	'the channel underneath the road'

Given that the prepositions are by far the largest group of adpositions and given that they behave in a way similar to the post- and circumpositions in the relevant respects, we will mainly use them in the examples to follow.
The restrictive PP-modifiers in (40) and (41) reduce the set of potential referents of the nominal head: in (40a) the PP restricts the set of all tulips to those from Amsterdam, in (40b) reference is made not to any girl, but to a girl with red hair, etc. Although PP-modifiers are typically restrictive, they can also be used non-restrictively, in which case they merely provide extra information about the set denoted by the nominal head. In what follows we will discuss these two uses of postnominal PP-modifiers in some detail.

I. Restrictive PP-modifiers
II. Non-restrictive PP-modifiers

[+] I. Restrictive PP-modifiers

In speech, the restrictive use of PP-modifiers can be recognized by the fact that the head noun and the PP form a single intonation unit. In written language, restrictive PP-modifiers are not characterized by any typographical features either; it is rather the absence of such features that makes them recognizable in written text. For examples, see Section 3.1.1, sub I.
Section 3.1 has shown that restrictive modifiers serve to reduce the referent set of the noun phrase by restricting the denotation of the nominal head. This also holds for restrictive PP-modifiers in postnominal position, which may therefore be crucial for determining the truth conditions of the sentence and/or for the identifiability of the intended referent. In (42), for example, the predications only hold for the restricted sets: without the PP the sentences are grammatical, but the truth value of the sentence may change from true to false.

a.	Moderne horloges	(uit Zwitserland)	lopen	altijd	gelijk.
	modern watches	from Switzerland	run	always	on time
	'Modern watches (from Switzerland) always keep good time.'

b.		Je	hebt	niets	aan een computer	(met zo weinig geheugen).
		you	have	nothing	on a computer	with so little memory

In (43), the PPs restrict the set denoted by the nominal head to exactly one, thus enabling the hearer to pick out the intended referent. Without the PPs, the sentences remain grammatical, but the referent may become unidentifiable for the hearer. If so, the sentence as a whole will become infelicitous as well due to the fact that the use of a definite determiner implies identifiability of the intended referent, while the information given in the noun phrase is insufficient to warrant that implication.

a.	De auto	(van de buurman)	is in beslag genomen.
	the car	of the neighbor	is confiscated
	'The neighborʼs car has been confiscated.'

b.	Het boek	(op de tafel)	is van mij.
	the book	on the table	is of me
	'The book on the table is mine.'

Now that we have seen that the function of restrictive PP-modifiers is to reduce the set of potential referents of the noun phrase as a whole, the following subsections will consider what the result of this is with several types of noun phrases.

[+] A. Indefinite noun phrases

Indefinite noun phrases are not identifiable for the speaker and/or the addressee. This holds also for modified noun phrases. The effect of adding a PP-modifier is simply that the relevant set is smaller in size: in example (44c), for instance, the speaker expresses that the entities he has in mind are part of the subset of tulips that have the property of being from Amsterdam.

a.	Ik	ben	op zoek	naar	[een cadeautje	voor mijn moeder].
	I	am	looking	for	a present	for my mother
	'Iʼm looking for a present for my mother.'

b.	Hij	heeft	[een meisje	met rood haar]	ontmoet.
	he	has	a girl	with red hair	met
	'He has met a girl with red hair.'

c.	Ik	heb	[tulpen	uit Amsterdam]	voor je	meegenomen.
	I	have	tulips	from Amsterdam	for you	prt.-brought
	'Iʼve brought you tulips from Amsterdam.'

The noun phrases in (44) can be pronounced with neutral intonation or with accent on the PP. In the former case, the speaker simply refers to a (possibly empty) set of entities with the desired properties. In the latter case, exemplified in (45), two sets are (implicitly or explicitly) contrasted: the first set is characterized by having the property denoted by the nominal head, but lacking the property denoted in the PP, whereas the second has both properties. Example (45b), for example, contrasts the set of girls with red hair with the set of girls with hair of some other color.

a.		Ik ben op zoek	naar	[een cadeautje	voor mijn moeder];	niet	voor mijn zus.
		I am looking	for	a present	for my mother	not	for my sister

b.		Hij	heeft	[een meisje	met rood haar]	ontmoet;	niet	met blond haar.
		he	has	a girl	with red hair	met	not	with blond hair

c.		Ik	heb	[tulpen uit Amsterdam]	voor je	meegenomen;	niet	uit Tilburg.
		I	have	tulips from Amsterdam	for you	prt.-brought	not	from Tilburg

Indefinite constructions of this type can also be used generically, both with singular and plural noun phrases. In example (46a), for instance, predication is said to hold for any watch from Switzerland, while in (46b) it is claimed that all tomatoes from tropical countries are delicious. Again, it is not asserted that the predications hold of the larger sets of watches and tomatoes.

a.	[Een horloge	uit Zwitserland]	loopt	altijd	gelijk.
	a watch	from Switzerland	runs	always	on.time
	'A watch from Switzerland always keeps good time.'

b.		[Tomaten	uit tropische landen]	zijn	erg lekker.
		tomatoes	from tropical countries	are	very nice

[+] B. Quantified noun phrases

In quantified noun phrases, restrictive PP-modifiers again fulfill the function of restricting the denotation of the NP. As the PPs are part of the NP-domains and therefore fall within the scope of the quantifier, they serve to restrict the domain of the quantifier. In other words, in (47a) the PP voor mijn moeder'for my mother' first restricts the set of possible presents, and subsequently the noun phrase as a whole is quantified by enkele'some'. As a result of these scope relations, the sentence in (47a) says nothing about the total number of presents I am looking for (which may be many), but only about the number of presents for my mother. Likewise, in (47b) the predicate of being tasty is not assigned to all tomatoes, but only to those from Italy, while in (47c) not every book, but only the ones with a red dot, are reduced in price.

a.		Ik	ben	op zoek	naar	[enkele cadeautjes	voor mijn moeder].
		I	am	looking	for	some presents	for my mother

b.		[Alle tomaten	uit Italië]	zijn	lekker.
		all tomatoes	from Italy	are	delicious

c.	[Elk boek	met een rode stip]	is in prijs	verlaagd.
	every book	with a red dot	is in price	reduced
	'Every book with a red dot has been reduced in price.'

[+] C. Definite noun phrases

In definite noun phrases, the function of the PP is to enable the hearer to uniquely identify the intended referent set in the given discourse situation. Example (48a), for example, can be used in a context in which one may be expected to bring presents for oneʼs mother. Note that, just as in the case of indefinite noun phrases in (45), stressing the PP implies the existence of yet another set of presents: in (48b), in which the PP is contrastively stressed, the hearer is assumed to know that the speaker has bought presents for a number of people.

a.	Ik	ben	[de cadeautjes	voor mijn moeder]	vergeten.
	I	have	the presents	for my mother	forgotten
	'Iʼve forgotten the presents for my mother.'

Ik ben [de cadeautjes voor mijn moeder] vergeten.

If the noun phrase is singular, the referent set is said to contain exactly one referent; thus, the most likely reading of (49a) is one in which the neighbor has only one car. This effect seems lost or at least less prominent in contrastive contexts: (49b) simply expresses that one car was confiscated, and that this happened to be a car owned by my neighbor (not by someone else).

a.	Ze	hebben	[de auto	van mijn buurman]	in beslag genomen.
	they	have	the car	of my neighbor	confiscated
	'They have confiscated my neighborʼs car.'

Ze hebben [de auto van mijn buurman] in beslag genomen.

The examples in (50) show that, in the case of locational prepositions, the PP-modifier can be contrasted in several ways. First consider the contrast between the PPs in the (a)- and the (b)-examples: the PP in (50a) is not contrasted and merely serves to distinguish the book on the table from any other book, whereas the PPs in the (b)-examples are contrasted, and thus imply a second set of books that is not on the table. In (50b), contrastive accent is placed on the complement of the preposition, de tafel'the table', and the alternative set of books is consequently identified by its relation to some object other than the table. In (50b'), on the other hand, contrastive accent falls on the preposition, and the alternative set of books is consequently identified by having a different orientation with respect to the table.

a.	[De boeken	op de tafel]	zijn van mij;	de andere boeken	niet.
	the books	on the table	are of me	the other books	not
	'The books on the table are mine; the other books arenʼt.'

b.		[De boeken	op de tafel]	zijn van mij;	die	in de kast	zijn van Jan.
		the books	on the table	are of me	those	in the bookcase	are of Jan

b'.		[De boeken	op de tafel]	zijn van mij;	[die	onder de tafel]	zijn van Jan.
		the books	on the table	are of me	those	under the table	are of Jan

Generally speaking, when a singular definite noun phrase is modified by a PP, the nominal complement of the preposition is also definite, as shown in (51a&b). Given that definiteness typically indicates identifiability, this is not surprising; if the entity itself is identifiable, so will the properties referred to by the PP. Alternatively, one could argue that since the function of the modifier is to enable the addressee to identify the overall referent, we again expect the presence of a definite noun phrase in the PP.

a.		de emmer	met het/??een gat
		the bucket	with the/a hole

b.		het huis	op de/??een hoek
		the house	at the/a corner

As shown in (52), plural definite noun phrases can be modified by a PP if the noun phrase complement of the preposition is indefinite. In that case, the DP refers to a contextually determined set of entities, and the function of the PP-modifier is to restrict this set to those entities that have the property expressed by the PP.

a.		de emmers met een/*het gat
		the buckets with a/the hole

b.		de huizen	op een/de hoek
		the houses	at a/the corner

Note that the referent set of (52b) varies with the choice of the determiner: if we are dealing with the definite determiner de, the set consists of houses situated at a contextually determined street corner; if we are dealing with the indefinite determiner een, the set consists of the subset of houses situated on some street corner. For a similar reason, example (52a) with a definite noun phrase complement is unacceptable because it forces a reading in which there is a particular (identifiable) hole in each of the buckets.
The (a)-examples in (53) show that singular indefinite noun phrases have the converse property of not allowing PP-modifiers if the noun phrase complement of the preposition is definite: once a particular property is identifiable or known, so must be the entity referred to by the noun phrase as a whole. The (b)-examples are only acceptable with a definite PP-modifier when it is established knowledge that there is more than one house located at the street corner in question.

a.		een emmer	met een/??het gat
		a bucket	with a/the hole

a'.		emmers	met een/??het gat
		buckets	with a/the hole

b.		een huis	op een/#de hoek
		a house	at a/the corner

b'.		huizen	op een/#de hoek
		houses	at a/the corner

If this line of reasoning holds water, we should conclude that in inalienable possession constructions, the addition of an indefinite van-PP to a definite noun phrase may make the definite noun phrase sufficiently “indefinite” to act as the modifier of an indefinite noun phrase. This is illustrated by the examples in (54), which are acceptable in any context.

a.	Ik	wil	graag	een huis	op de hoek van een straat	kopen.
	I	want	gladly	a house	on the corner of a street	buy
	'I would like to buy a house on the corner of a street.'

b.	Zij	willen	allemaal	graag	huizen op de hoek van een straat	kopen.
	they	want	all	gladly	houses on the corner of a street	buy
	'They would all like to buy houses on the corner of a street.'

[+] D. Noun phrases with a demonstrative pronoun

Combinations of a demonstrative determiner and a restrictive PP-modifier are not very frequent. This is not surprising, since in most cases the use of a demonstrative, whether deictic or anaphoric, suggests identifiability of the referent, thus rendering the use of a restrictive PP superfluous. This accounts for the fact that in neutral contexts, with a neutral intonation, the sentences in (55) are marked.

a.	??	Deze auto	van mijn buurman	rijdt	erg zuinig.
		this car	of my neighbor	drives	very economically

b.	*?	Dit boek	met een rode stip	is in prijs	verlaagd.
		this book	with a red dot	is in price	reduced

There are, however, a number of special cases, in which the use of a PP-modifier gives rise to an acceptable result.

[+] 1. Contrastive contexts

As in the case of noun phrases with a definite article, the PP may be used in contrastive contexts to distinguish the intended referent from some other available entities. In the case of a deictic demonstrative, accent will fall on the demonstrative as in example (56a). If the demonstrative is used anaphorically, accent will be placed on (part of) the noun phrase within the PP, as in example (56b), or on the preposition, as in example (56c).

a.		Bedoelt	u	deze auto	uit Amerika,	of	die (auto uit Amerika)?
		mean	you	this car	from America	or	that car from America)

b.		Die auto	uit Amerika	heeft	vier airbags;	die	uit Japan	twee.
		that car	from America	has	four airbags	that	from Japan	two

c.		Die auto	met spoilers	is veel sneller	dan	die (auto)	zonder (spoilers).
		that car	with spoilers	is much faster	that	that car	without spoilers

[+] 2. Noun phrases referring to a type

Constituents containing a demonstrative determiner and a restrictive PP-modifier are also acceptable if the nominal denotes a type rather than a token. Thus in (57a) reference is made not to a particular car but to a particular type of car, which is available with or without air conditioning. In (57b) reference is made to the contents of the book rather than to the physical object.

a.	Deze	(zelfde)	auto	met airconditioning	is haast	niet	te verkrijgen.
	this	same	car	with air.conditioning	is almost	not	to obtain
	'This (same) car with air conditioning is hardly available.'

b.	Dit(zelfde)	boek	met een harde kaft	is veel	duurder.
	this.same	book	with a hard cover	is much	more.expensive
	'This (same) book in hardcover is much more expensive.'

[+] 3. Noun phrases invoking known information

Furthermore, constructions like these are common with distal demonstratives when used to (re-)invoke certain referents that are part of the domain of discourse. An example such as (58) is completely acceptable in a context in which there has been mention of the fact that we should not forget to bring the present in question. In colloquial Dutch, postnominal van-PPs are often used to identify persons that are not part of the active domain of discourse, but can still be assumed to be familiar to the hearer; see Section 5.2.3.2, sub IIB, for discussion.

a.	?	Ik	ben	dat cadeautje	voor mijn moeder	nou toch nog vergeten.
		I	have	that present	for my mother	now still prt. forgotten
		'Now, Iʼve still forgotten that present for my mother.'

b.	Hé,	dat	is die man	van dat reclamespotje!
	hey	that	is that man	from the commercial
	'Hey, that is the man from this commercial!'

c.	Dat kind	van hiernaast	huilt	de hele dag.
	that child	of next.door	cries	the whole day
	'That child next door is crying all day.'

[+] E. Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun, personal pronouns and proper nouns

Restrictive PP-modifiers cannot readily be used to modify constructions with possessive pronouns, personal pronouns or proper nouns. In all cases, the referent of the noun phrase is assumed to be identifiable independently from the information provided by the PP-modifier, which is therefore superfluous. Nevertheless there are certain cases in which adding a restrictive PP-modifier is possible. These will be discussed in the following subsections.

[+] 1. Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun

PP-modifiers can be used in constructions with possessive pronouns, but only if the possessive construction by itself does not uniquely identify the intended referent. Thus, example (59) is perfectly acceptable provided the speaker owns at least one other watch.

Ik	ben	mijn horloge	met het zwarte bandje	kwijt.
I	am	my watch	with the black strap	lost
'Iʼve mislaid my watch with the black strap.'

Constructions such as (59) are typically used for things associated with the body that are normally referred to by means of a possessive phrase: mijn horloge'my watch'. PP-modifiers are also frequent with nouns denoting family members or other human relationships; the examples in (60) are all acceptable, the implication being that the speaker has more than one cousin, aunt and uncle, or friend and that the PP serves to uniquely identify the referent for the hearer.

a.	Onze neef	(uit Amerika)	komt	vanavond	ook.
	our cousin	from America	comes	tonight	also
	'Our cousin (from America) is also coming tonight.'

b.	Mijn tante en oom	(uit Laren)	zijn	morgen	40 jaar	getrouwd.
	my aunt and uncle	from Laren	are	tomorrow	40 years	married
	'My aunt and uncle (from Laren) will be married 40 years tomorrow.'

c.	Mijn vriendin	(met die zes kinderen)	komt	vanavond	eten.
	my friend	with those six children	comes	tonight	eat
	'My friend who has six children is coming to dinner tonight.'

It should be noted, however, that the possessive constructions in (60) may sometimes also be used in contexts where the PP does not fulfill an identifying function, in which case they come close to indefinite expressions (e.g., een neef van me uit Amerika'a cousin of mine from America'); see Section 5.2.2.2, sub I, for discussion.
In most other cases, co-occurrence of a possessive determiner and a PP-modifier is odd, even in contrastive contexts like (61a-c). Given that replacement of the possessive pronouns by a definite article yields felicitous sentences, we may conclude that it is not definiteness that is at stake here.

a.	??	Mijn boeken	op de tafel	gaan	over de oorlog	(die in de kast niet).
		my books	on the table	go	about the war	those in the bookcase not
		'My books on the table are about the war (those in the bookcase arenʼt).'

b.	?	Onze bloemen	in de tuin	doen	het	goed	(die	in de kamer	minder).
		our flowers	in the garden	do	it	well	those	in the room	less
		'Our flowers in the garden are doing well (those in the room not so well).'

c.	?	Mijn buurman	met de BMW	gaat	morgen	op vakantie.
		my neighbor	with the BMW	goes	tomorrow	on holiday
		'My neighbor with the BMW is going on holiday tomorrow.'

Perhaps the degree of acceptability also depends on the form of the PP-modifier: if the modifier contains a bare noun phrase, as in (62), the construction seems to improve. Note, however, that these cases with bare noun phrases generally involve fixed collocations; cf. 5.1.2.3, sub II.

Mijn boeken	op tafel/zolder	gaan	over WO II	(die in de kast niet).
my books	on table/attic	go	about WW II	those in the bookcase not
'My books on the table/in the attic are about WW II (those in the bookcase arenʼt).'

[+] 2. Personal pronouns

With personal pronouns the use of PP-modifiers is severely restricted. Once again, this is not surprising, since personal pronouns are normally only used if the intended referent is assumed to be uniquely identifiable in the given context. Nevertheless, PP-modifiers can be used if the referent is not uniquely identifiable, as for instance with the deictically used pronouns in (63a&b).

a.		Zij	met die blauwe blouse	is mijn buurvrouw.
		she	with the blue blouse	is my neighbor

b.		Hij	bij het raam	is mijn broer.
		he	at the window	is my brother

In colloquial Dutch it is common to modify personal pronouns by a van-PP containing a phrase mentioning a location associated with the referent in order to identify the intended referent, as in (64a&b). The phrase as a whole differs from those in (63) in that it is often used rather disparagingly. A special use of this construction is (64c), where the preposition van is followed by the family name of the person in question.

a.	Ik	heb	hem	van hiernaast	al	in geen tijden	meer	gezien.
	I	have	him	of next.door	already	in no times	anymore	seen
	'Him from next door I havenʼt seen for ages.'

b.	Zij	van de overkant	zit	de hele dag	voor het raam.
	she	from the other.side	sits	the whole day	for the window
	'She from across sits at the window all day.'

c.	Zij	van Jansen	heeft	een nieuwe baan.
	she	from Jansen	has	a new job
	'The Jansen woman has a new job.'

[+] 3. Proper nouns

Restrictive PP-modifiers can only be used to modify proper nouns under special circumstances. Once again, this is not surprising: proper nouns normally have unique reference in a given discourse situation, which means that their referent set cannot be further restricted. There are, however, circumstances in which proper nouns do not refer uniquely, as for instance when in a given context there are more persons by the same name.

a.	Jan	van hiernaast	komt	vanavond	op visite.
	Jan	of next.door	comes	tonight	on visit
	'Jan from next door is coming to visit us tonight.'

b.		Piet	van Jan en Marie	heeft	een nieuwe baan.
		Piet	of Jan and Marie	has	a new job

c.	Marie	uit Tilburg	heeft	gisteren	opgebeld.
	Marie	from Tilburg	has	yesterday	prt.-called
	'Marie from Tilburg called yesterday.'

Another situation in which a proper noun can be followed by a restrictive PP-modifier is that in which it is not the (physical) entity that is referred to, but a personʼs or objectʼs characteristics. As these may change according to the circumstances, we are no longer dealing with a uniquely identifiable entity, as a result of which identification by a restrictive PP becomes possible. Constructions of this kind are typically used in contrastive contexts.

a.	Koningin Beatrix op vakantie	is heel iemand anders	dan Koningin Beatrix	in functie.
	Queen Beatrix on holiday	is quite someone else	than Queen Beatrix	in function
	'Queen Beatrix on holiday is quite a different person from Queen Beatrix in office.'

b.		Jan in Amerika is niet	dezelfde persoon	als	Jan in Holland.
		Jan in America is not	the.same person	as	Jan in Holland

c.	In het Amsterdam	uit mijn kinderjaren	waren	er	haast	geen autoʼs.
	in the Amsterdam	of my childhood	were	there	virtually	no cars
	'There were virtually no cars in the Amsterdam of my youth.'

[+] II. Non-restrictive PP-modifiers

In speech, non-restrictive PPs are typically separated from their nominal head by an intonation break. In written language, this is represented by placing the non-restrictive PP-modifiers between commas. Some examples are given in (67).

a.	Jan,	op vakantie in Frankrijk,	weet	nog	van niets.
	Jan	on holiday in France	knows	yet	of nothing
	'Jan, on holiday in France, doesnʼt know anything yet.'

b.	De boeken,	in pakken van 20 stuks,	stonden	klaar voor verzending.
	the books	in parcels of 20 pieces	stood	ready for shipping
	'The books, in parcels of 20, were ready for shipping.'

c.	Dat witte huis,	tegenover de bibliotheek,	willen	we graag	kopen.
	that white house	opposite the library	want	we gladly	buy
	'That white house, opposite the library, weʼd very much like to buy.'

d.	Kelners,	met smetteloos witte overhemden,	liepen	af en aan.
	waiters	with spotless white shirts	walked	off and on
	'Waiters, in spotless white shirts, walked to and fro.'

Unlike restrictive modifiers, the postnominal non-restrictive PP-modifiers do not restrict the set of entities denoted by the nominal head, but provide additional information about these entities. As such they affect neither the truth conditions of a sentence nor the identifiability of the intended referent. In (68), for example, the predications hold for all watches and computers: the sentences are both true and grammatical, but less informative, without the PP-modifier; the non-restrictive PPs actually emphasize that there is no restriction involved.

a.	Horloges,	van welk merk dan ook,	worden	steeds	goedkoper.
	watches	of which brand prt prt	become	ever	cheaper
	'Watches, no matter their brand, are becoming cheaper and cheaper.'

b.		Een computer,	met of zonder internetaansluiting,	is onmisbaar.
		a computer	with or without internet connection	is indispensable

In (69), the intended referents of the DP as a whole are assumed to be identifiable without the information provided by the PP; without the PP-modifiers, the sentences are grammatical and felicitous, but, again, less informative.

a.		De auto,	van een Duits merk,	werd	in beslag genomen.
		the car	of a German make	was	confiscated

b.	De bruid,	in het wit,	zag	er	stralend	uit.
	the bride	in the white	saw	there	radiant	prt.
	'The bride, all in white, looked radiant.'

Recall that it may be difficult to distinguish non-restrictive PP-modifiers like the ones in (68) from appositional PPs; see Section 3.1.3 for a brief discussion of the difference between the two types of construction.
Now that we have seen that non-restrictive PPs do not have an effect on the referential properties of the noun phrase as a whole and the truth value of the proposition made in the main clause, but are simply used to provide additional information about the referent set, we will discuss their use and function in several types of noun phrases.

[+] A. Indefinite noun phrases

If the noun phrase is indefinite, the implication is that the additional information provided by the PP applies to all members of the referent set of the noun phrase, regardless of the specificity of the noun phrase. In (70a), for example, we are dealing with a nonspecific indefinite noun phrase, and it is claimed that the speaker is looking for presents; as extra information, it is added that they are intended for the speakerʼs mother. In (70b), we are dealing with a specific indefinite noun phrase, and the PP-modifier adds as additional information that the property of being impressed by the view holds for the person that the speaker has in mind.

a.		Ik	ben	op zoek	naar cadeautjes,	voor mijn moeder.
		I	am	looking	for presents	for my mother

b.	Ik	zag	een vriend van me,	onder de indruk van het uitzicht,	fotoʼs	maken.
	I	saw	a friend of mine	under the impression of the view	photos	make
	'I saw a friend of mine, impressed by the view, taking pictures.'

Non-restrictive PP-modifiers can also be used if the indefinite noun phrase is interpreted generically. Perhaps the result in (71a) is somewhat marked, but insofar as this sentence is acceptable it expresses that all cuckoo clocks come from Switzerland. Sentence (71b) seems fully acceptable and expresses that all Lapps live in the north of Sweden.

a.	?	Een koekoeksklok,	uit Zwitserland,	loopt	bijna	altijd	gelijk.
		a cuckoo clock	from Switzerland	runs	nearly	always	on.time
		'A cuckoo clock, from Switzerland, nearly always keeps good time.'

b.		Lappen,	in het noorden van Zweden,	leven	erg geïsoleerd.
		Lapps	in the north of Sweden	live	very isolated

[+] B. Quantified noun phrases

Non-restrictive PP-modifiers fall outside the scope of the quantifier in quantified DPs; consequently, they do not serve to restrict the domain of the quantifier, but provide extra information about an already quantified set. Moreover, the truth conditions of the predication are not affected by the presence or absence of the modifier. In (72a) the speaker is looking for some presents; the PP merely adds the information that they are all intended for the speakerʼs mother. In example (72b), the speaker states that there are many tourists in the hotel; the additional information provided by the PP is that they are all from Germany. Similarly, in the generic sentence in (72c), the additional information asserted is that all the tomatoes under discussion are from Italy. Finally, in (72d) each book is said to be reduced in price; from a semantic point of view, the information provided by the non-restrictive PP-modifier is superfluous and is merely added for the pragmatic reason of removing potential doubt on the part of the hearer.

a.		Ik	ben	op zoek	naar enkele cadeautjes,	voor mijn moeder.
		I	am	looking	for some presents	for my mother

b.		Er	waren	veel toeristen,	uit Duitsland,	in het hotel.
		there	were	many tourists	from Germany	in the hotel

c.		Alle tomaten,	uit Italië,	zijn lekker.
		all tomatoes	from Italy	are nice

d.	Elk boek,	met of zonder rode stip,	is in prijs	verlaagd.
	every book	with or without red dot	is in price	reduced
	'Every book, with or without a red dot, has been reduced in price.'

[+] C. Definite noun phrases

If the DP is definite, the function of the PP is again to provide additional information about the (possibly singleton) referent set of the noun phrase. This means that this referent set is assumed to be uniquely identifiable for the speaker without the information in the non-restrictive modifier. Thus, the most likely reading of (73a) is one in which the car in question has already been introduced into the discourse and is therefore identifiable by the addressee. The salient new information is that it has been confiscated; extra and typically new information concerning ownership is provided by the non-restrictive PP-modifier van mijn buurman'of my neighbor'. Since the identifiability of the intended referent is not determined by the PP-modifier, the neighbor may actually own more than one car. Similarly, (73b) is felicitous in a context in which the speaker has already mentioned the present, without mentioning the benefactive. This latter information is now added as extra information, which is not (cannot even) be used to identify the intended referent. The cat mentioned in (73c) is identifiable for the speaker, and two things are said about it at the same time, namely that it was purring and that it was situated between soft cushions (which might well be the cause of the purring event).

a.		Ze	hebben	de auto,	van mijn buurman,	in beslag genomen.
		they	have	the car	of my neighbor	confiscated

b.	Ik	ben	het cadeautje,	voor mijn moeder,	vergeten	mee	te brengen.
	I	have	the present	for my mother	forgotten	prt.	to bring
	'Iʼve forgotten to bring the present, for my mother.'

c.	De kat,	tussen de zachte kussens,	lag	heerlijk	te spinnen.
	the cat	between the soft cushions	lay	pleasantly	to purr
	'The cat, between the soft cushions, was purring pleasantly.'

As can be seen from example (74), non-restrictive PP-modifiers can also be used in generic contexts. Once again, the implication is that the additional information provided in the PP-modifier is new for the hearer and applies to all members of the referent set of the noun phrase.

De Lappen,	uit het noorden van Zweden,	kennen	nog	veel oude tradities.
the Lapps	from the north of Sweden	know	still	many old traditions
'The Lapps, from the north of Sweden, still have many traditions.'

[+] D. Noun phrases with a demonstrative determiner

It is quite common for DPs with a demonstrative determiner to be followed by a non-restrictive PP-modifier; the use of the demonstrative, suggesting identifiability on the basis of textual or contextual information, does not clash with the function of non-restrictive modifiers. The sentences in (75) are therefore all perfectly acceptable, both with and without the PP-modifiers.

a.		Deze auto,	van mijn buurman,	rijdt	erg zuinig.
		this car	of my neighbor	drives	very economically

b.	Dat meisje	daar,	met die blauwe trui,	ken	ik	nog	van school.
	that girl	there	with that blue sweater	know	I	still	from school
	'That girl over there, with the blue sweater, I know from school.'

c.	Dit boek,	met een rode stip,	is in prijs	verlaagd.
	this book	with a red dot	is in price	reduced
	'This book, with a red dot, has been reduced in price.'

Similarly, in contrastive contexts the PP-modifier does not serve to distinguish between two intended referents: the identity of the intended referents is assumed to be known on the basis of the context; the information given in the PP-modifiers is additional information about these referents. That this extra information is nevertheless relevant can be seen from example (76b), in which the two non-restrictive PPs provide the reason for the claim made in the main clause (compare also (75c)).

a.	Bedoelt	u	deze auto,	uit Amerika,	of	die (auto),	uit Japan?
	mean	you	this car	from America	or	that car	from Japan
	'Do you mean this car, from America, or that (car), from Japan?'

b.		Die auto,	met spoilers,	is veel sneller	dan	die (auto),	zonder spoilers.
		that car	with spoilers	is much faster	than	that car	without spoilers

[+] E. Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun, personal pronouns and proper nouns

Non-restrictive PPs can be readily used to modify constructions with possessive pronouns, with personal pronouns and with proper nouns. In all cases, the referent of the noun phrase is assumed to be identifiable independently from the extra information provided by the PP-modifier. The PP-modifier can be left out without affecting the grammaticality, felicitousness or truth conditions of the predication.

[+] 1. Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun

In (77) some examples are given of non-restrictive PPs modifying noun phrases with possessive determiners. Although in all cases the PP provides additional information, the reason for providing this information varies: in (77a) it may be added to indicate that my grandfatherʼs coming tonight is something special, considering his old age; in (77b) it is added as an explanation for the fact that my friend has little time for herself; in (77c), finally, the information provided by the PP may be seen as purely additional, that is, as unrelated to the predication.

a.	Mijn opa,	van 96,	komt	vanavond	ook.
	my granddad	of 96	comes	tonight	too
	'My granddad, of 96, is also coming tonight.'

b.	Mijn vriendin,	met zes kinderen,	heeft	nauwelijks	tijd	voor zichzelf.
	my friend	with six children	has	hardly	time	for herself
	'My friend, with six children, hardly has any time for herself.'

c.		Mijn vriendin,	uit Amsterdam,	heeft	net	gebeld.
		my friend	from Amsterdam	has	just	called

[+] 2. Personal pronouns

The examples in (78) show that, although in principle the referent of the personal pronoun is assumed to be identifiable regardless of the information provided in the PP-modifier, this modifier may nevertheless add information to facilitate identification.

a.		Zij (daar),	met die blauwe blouse,	is mijn buurvrouw.
		she there	with the blue blouse	is my neighbor

b.		Hij,	bij het raam daar,	is mijn broer.
		he	at the window there	is my brother

A special use of plural personal pronouns with PP-modifiers is exemplified in (79). Despite the fact that the PPs are locational, they are not used here to restrict the set denoted by the pronouns we'we', jullie'you' or zij'they' to those members who are in a particular place; as a matter of fact, the speakers need not even be at the location mentioned at the time of speaking. The PPs are rather used here to extend reference from the speaker set to a larger set of people, namely that of Dutch or German people in general.

a.		Wij(,)	in Nederland(,)	doen	dat	heel anders.
		we	in the.Netherlands	do	that	very differently

b.	Jullie/Zij(,)	in Duitsland(,)	kennen	dat probleem	niet.
	you/they	in Germany	know	that problem	not
	'You in Germany donʼt have that problem.'

As is indicated in the examples by means of glosses, the intonation break seems optional: if the intonation break is present the referent set is actively limited to the people from the Netherlands, the meaning coming close to “We Dutch people do that very differently”; if the intonation break is present, the PP has the feel of an apposition: “We, the Dutch people, do that very differently”.

[+] 3. Proper nouns

Non-restrictive PP-modifiers can also be used to modify proper nouns. Once again, as proper nouns normally have unique reference in a given discourse situation, their referent can be assumed to be identifiable with or without the non-restrictive modifier. Some examples are given in (80).

a.		Jan,	op vakantie in Frankrijk,	was	nog	niet	op de hoogte.
		Jan	on holiday in France	was	yet	not	informed

b.	Els,	in Amsterdam,	wachtte	op bericht	van Peter,	in Berlijn.
	Els	in Amsterdam	waited	on news	of Peter	in Berlin
	'Els, in Amsterdam, was waiting for news from Peter, in Berlin.'

References:

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About this article

Author(s): Hans Broekhuis, Evelien Keizer

Category: Dutch Syntax

Keywords: ArticleAttributiveBare NounDefinite ArticleDemonstrative PronounDistal Demonstrative PronounInalienable PossessionIndefinite ArticleKinship NounModificationModifierNon-restrictive ModifierNounPersonal PronounPossessive PronounPronounProper NounQuantifierRestrictive ModifierSpecificity

Version: 1.0, December 2015

Version history:

version	editor(s)	date	remarks
1.0	Hans Broekhuis, Evelien Keizer	December 2015

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