- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
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- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
R-pronouns are pronouns which can function either as locative adverbs or as adpositional objects. An example of each is given below:
Deer | is | ‘t | fluch | Woonjen. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
there | is | it | nice | living | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
It is nice living there. |
Uus | Mäme | weet | deer | niks | fon. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
our | mother | knows | R | nothing | of | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Our mother knows nothing about it. |
R-pronoun and adposition have been put in bold. In the first sentence, the R-pronoun is a locative adverbial. In the second sentence, the R-pronoun is construed as the argument of the preposition fon ‘of’, even though it is separated from it. R-pronouns functioning as prepositional complements behave differently from prepositional complements which are not R-pronouns. Normally, objects of prepositions must be adjacent to, and follow, the preposition. R-pronouns, on the other hand, must precede their adpositions, and need not be adjacent to them. In addition, the R-pronoun deer ‘there’ is used to introduce indefinite subject NPs.
The sections below discuss various aspects of R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive.
R-pronouns (almost) all contain the letter /r/, which is how they got their name. The set of R-pronouns for Saterland Frisian is given below:
R-pronoun | Meaning as adverb | Meaning as object of adposition | Pronominal equivalent |
Deer | ‘there’ | ‘it, that’ | dät |
wier | ‘where’ | ‘what’ | wät |
hier | ‘here’ | ‘this’ | dit |
allerwegense | ‘everywhere’ | ‘everything’ | alles, aal |
nargends | ‘nowhere’ | ‘nothing’ | niks |
ainewainde | ‘somewhere’ | ‘something’ | wät |
The first two R-pronouns in the table are the most frequent. The use of the others seems to be quite restricted in frequency, perhaps as a result of the influence from German.
It is cross-linguistically a weird phenomenon for a language to have a set of locative pronouns, which also show up obligatorily as objects of adpositions, with the meaning of ordinary (non locative) pronouns. In the following example, it is not grammatical to have a pronominal equivalent where an R-pronoun is possible.
Uus | Mäme | weet | deer | niks | fon. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
our | mother | knows | R | nothing | of | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Our mother knows nothing about it. |
*Uus | Mäme | weet | niks | fon | dät. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
our | mother | knows | nothing | of | it | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Our mother knows nothing about it. |
To the extent that the sentence above is grammatical, it has become so as an interference from German. The R-pronominal object can be separated from the adposition to which it functions as an object. The R-pronoun can show up at the beginning of the VP (the middle field), as in the example above. The R-pronoun, together with adpositions, also takes part enthusiastically in all sorts of idiom formation, as a glance in the dictionary reveals. Historically, R-pronouns were already present in Old West Germanic, specifically in Old English and Old Frisian, but they became atrophied in English, and in High German their use is quite restricted. Some instances of the interrogative R-pronoun are given below:
Wier | däd | hie | dät | mäd? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R.Q | did | he | it | with | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
What did he do it with? |
Wier | dät | Haat | ful | fon | is, | deer | boalt | ju | Mule | fon. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R.Q | the | heart | fol | of | is | R | talks | the | mouth | of | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
What the heart is full of, the mouth talks about. |
The R-pronoun hier ‘here’ doesn’t seem to function as a true R-pronoun anymore. Fort’s dictionary lists many combinations of wier ‘where’ and deer ‘there’ followed by an adposition, but hier ‘here’ is conspicuously absent. The only combination that is found in the dictionary is: hierhäär ‘thereto’. This is a loan from German: hierher, which means ‘to there’ or ‘from there’ in directional contexts. Nevertheless, the Saterland language still allows an R-pronoun to be split off from the directional adposition häär ‘to’. Some examples are given below:
Hierhäär! | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
here | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Come here! |
Deer | kumt | die | Mon | häär. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | comes | the | man | from | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The man comes from there. |
It seems that hierhäär means ‘to here’, and deerhäär ‘from there’. This is weird, as it suggests that häär is directional, but that the kind of direction (this direction versus that direction) depends on the R-pronoun. It may be hypothesized that the use of hier ‘here’ as an adpositional object has atrophied in Saterland Frisian under the pressure from German, seeing that German doesn’t use it as an adpositional object either. The universal R-pronoun of location likewise functions as the object of PP:
Hie | hät | ju | Noze | allerwegense | twiske. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he | has | the | nose | R.UNIV | between | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He likes to poke his nose into other people's affairs. |
Ju | moangt | sik | allerwegense | oun. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
she | mixes | REFL | R.UNIV | in | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
She meddles in everything. |
Hie | häd | deer | allerwegense | ‘n | Dunst | fon. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he | has | R | R.UNIV | a | haze | of | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He seems to know everything. |
In the last example the universal R-pronoun is strengthened by the default R-pronoun deer ‘there’. This may be an indication of a weakening of the function of the universal R-pronoun as an adpositional object. The R-pronoun nargends ‘nowhere’ likewise can be used as an adpositional object meaning ‘nothing’:
Hie | wikt | (sik) | nargends | foar. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he | goes | REFL | R.NEG | for | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He gives way to nothing. |
Hie | kummert | sik | nargends | uum. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he | cares | REFL | R.NEG | about | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He cares about nothing. |
Dät | smoakede | nargends | ätter. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
it | tasted | R.NEG | after | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
It tasted like nothing. |
Dät | ludt | nargends | ätter. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
it | sounds | R.NEG | after | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
It sounds very bad. |
Here we also find examples in which the quantifying R-pronoun is strengthened with the neutral R-pronoun:
Hie | fräiget | deer | nargends | wät | ätter. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he | asks | R | R.NEG | what | after | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He is a go-getter. |
Hie | weet | deer | nargends | wät | fon. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
he | knows | R | R.NEG | what | of | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
He doesn’t know anything about it. |
Again, this seems an indication the use of the negative R-pronoun as an adpositional object is declining. The last R-pronoun, the existential one, likewise doesn’t seem to be used as an adpositional object. In the following example, its use is similar to that of hier in hierhäär, namely as a directional adverbial, which is a pro-form for a PP:
Die | in | dän | Skepestaal | nit | truch | ju | Dore | oungungt, | man | uursainewainde | ounstigt, | die | is | ‘n | Steler. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
who | in | the | sheep.shed | not | through | the | door | in.goes | but | R.EX | in.climbs | he | is | a | thief | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Whoever enters not by the door into the sheepfold, but climbs up some other way, he is a thief. |
So the R-pronoun has a locative interpretation here, meaning “at another location”. To sum, the two R-pronouns which are still in frequent use are the neutral R-pronoun and the interrogative R-pronoun. The others seem to be rare.
The R-pronoun deer ‘there’ has the additional function of being an expletive in the subject position of indefinite sentences. So it is used in the presentational there-construction, see also: Definiteness and indefiniteness (7.4). In this respect, it competes against dät ‘that’ and its weak form et. Some examples with the R-pronoun in the presentational there-construction are given below:
Deer | kumt | goud | wät | ap | dän | Disk. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | comes | good | what | on | the table | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There’s plenty of good food on the table there. |
Deer | is | Woater | in | dän | Sood. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | is | water | in | the | well | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There’s water in the well. |
The construction consists of the R-pronoun at the beginning of the clause, followed by a verb that is usually an accusative verb, that is, a verb that is conjugated with weze ‘be’ in the perfect tense. Kume ‘come’ is such a verb, because the perfect tense is: kemen weze ‘have come’, and not kemen häbe. Now, suppose an existential clause features a PP of which the object is also deer ‘it’. This would yield a clause with two instances of the R-pronoun. However, this is usually avoided. There’s just one R-pronoun at the beginning of the clause, functioning both as the expletive subject and as the object of the adposition. Two examples are given below:
Deer | is | Woater | oane. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | is | water | in | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There’s water in it. |
Deer | is | neen | Jeeld | oane. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | is | no | money | in | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There’s no money in it. |
It is clear that the R-pronoun has this dual function. It functions as the object of the adposition, as is obvious. But it also functions as a marker requiring an indefinite subject, because the presence of a definite subject is ungrammatical:
*Deer | is | Triene | oane. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | is | Triene | in | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Triene is in it. |
In order to construct a grammatical sentence, the R-pronoun must follow the definite NP Triene:
Triene | is | deer | oane. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Triene | is | R | in | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Triene is in it. |
In this example, the R-pronoun no longer functions as an expletive subject. Alternatively, one might say that the R-pronoun may cross over indefinite subjects, but not over definite ones, from a movement perspective. In sentences which are not unaccusative, no such restriction holds:
Deer | kon | man | sik | neen | Bielde | fon | moakje. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | could | ARB | REFL | no | image | of | make | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
You can’t picture it. |
This sentence doesn’t feature an unaccusative verb, but a transitive verb, so the R-pronoun does not function as an expletive subject, and the R-pronoun functioning as object of PP is allowed to introduce the sentence. The expletive R-pronoun has a singular meaning, but it does not determine agreement on the verb. It is the indefinite subject which determines agreement. Two examples are given below:
Deer | sunt | fjauer | Bäiste | dood | kemen. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | are | four | animals | dead | come | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Four cows have died. |
Disse | Wilkens, | deer | sunt | tjo | Wuchter | in | Huus | wezen | un | träi | Wäänte. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
this | Wilkens (family) | R | are | three | girls | in | house | been | and | three | boys | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
This Wilkens family, they had three girls at home and three boys. |
Negative NPs also count as indefinites for this construction. Some further examples are given below:
Deer | is | naan | Fats | fon | uurblieuwen. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | is | no | rag | of | over.stayed | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There’s not a bit of it left. |
Deer | is | silläärge | nit | wäl | touhuus. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | is | ever | not | who | home | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
There’s never anybody home.’ ‘There’s nobody ever home. |
In the first example, the R-pronoun again serves both as an expletive subject pronoun and as an adpositional object. In the second example it is just an expletive. Now, there are also sentences without subjects, such as passives of intransitive verbs. In such sentences, the R-pronoun may also show up:
Oaber | Jield | waas | der | doo | je | genouch, | deer | wuud | je | nit | ätter | kieked. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
but | money | was | R | then | yes | enough | R | became | yes | not | after | looked | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
But there was enough money, it was not looked at. |
The first R-pronoun is just a subject expletive in the context of an indefinite subject. Interestingly, the subject itself has been split. The NP part (Jield ‘money’) of the indefinite subject is preposed to the beginning of the sentence, whereas the quantifier part of the indefinite subject (genouch ‘enough’) has remained inside the middle field. The second R-pronoun functions both as an expletive filling the subject position and as the object of the PP headed by ätter ‘after’. The subject of a passive sentence is likewise subject to the indefiniteness effect in case the R-pronoun fills the subject position:
Deer | wude | in’t | Jier | bloot | een | Swien | slaachted. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
there | became | in.the | year | hardly | a | swine | slaughtered | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In that year hardly a pig was slaughtered. |
Passives are like unaccusatives in that they form the perfect tense with the verb weze ‘be’. Another interesting example is the following passive sentence, which seems a counterexample to the indefiniteness effect:
Deer | is | al | oafters | de | Froage | stäld | wuden | wo | oold | Seelterlound | is. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
R | is | already | more often | the | question | put | become | how | old | Saterland | is | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The question has been asked more often, how old Saterland is. |
Here we have a definite NP functioning, apparently, as the subject of a passive sentence. However, this is an idiomatic NP, in which the definite article is vacuous: it is just part of the idiom. It cannot be replaced with an indefinite article (n Froage), nor can de Froage ‘the question’ be pluralised. So the passive sentence seems to count as indefinite or subjectless, and this makes the appearance of the R-pronoun possible.