
- Dutch
- Frisian
- Afrikaans
- Dutch
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
- Frisian
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Afrikaans
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
Three types of verb clusters can be distinguished, viz. lexical verbs, modal verbs and auxiliary verbs, each of which has their own internal ordering. The lexical cluster consists of a main verb preceded by one or more linking verbs. Linking verbs consist of direct and indirect linking verbs, the former preceding the latter in most cases. Modal verbs have their own system of chain forming Modal chains. If auxiliary verbs form a cluster of more than one, as in gesien gewees het see.PST.PTCP be.PST.PTCP have.AUX, het to have will always be the final verb.
All verbs constituting the verb complex of a clause form an unbroken sequence at the end of a dependent clause, e.g.
Dit is moontlik dat die brande [kon] [gestig] [gewees het]. |
it is possible that.COMP the fires can.AUX.MOD.PRT start.PST.PTCP be.PST.PTCP have.AUX |
It is possible that the fires could have been started. |
The basic order, corresponding to a 3-1-2 hierarchy [Hierarchy, is MODAL VERB(S) – LEXICAL VERB(S) – AUXILIARY VERB(S). Any past participle not governed by the auxiliary het to have may move out of the sequence towards the beginning of the cluster, cf.
Dit is moontlik dat die brande deur iemand <gestig> kon <gestig> gewees het. |
it is possible that.COMP the fires by someone <start.PST.PTCP> can.AUX.MOD.PRT <start.PST.PTCP> be.PST.PTCP have.AUX |
It is possible that the fires could have been started by someone. |
Direct and indirect linking verbs precede the main verb, and may even combine in the same clause, with direct linking verbs preceding their indirect counterparts, as in (3a). Collocations of lexical verbs may also move toward the beginning of the cluster, as in (3b), or form a complex initial in verb-second or verb-first position, as in (3c).
a. | dat hulle kon [bly] [staan en] kyk het na die leeus. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP they can.AUX.MOD.PRT keep.on.LINK stand.LINK and look.INF have.AUX at the lions | |||||||||||||||
that they could keep on looking at the lions |
b. | dat heeldag [bly kyk] kon word na die leeus. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP all.day keep.on.LINK look.INF can.AUX.MOD.PRT be.AUX.PASS.PRS at the lions | |||||||||||||||
that one could keep on looking at the lions all day long |
c. | Heeldag [bly kyk] hulle na die leeus. | ||||||||||||||
all.day keep.on.LINK look.INF they at the lions | |||||||||||||||
They keep watching the lions all day long. |
In main clauses, the modal verbs are the first to occupy verb-second or verb-first position, as in (4a), followed by auxiliary verbs, as in (4b), and then linking verbs, as in (4c) or lexical collocations, as in (4d-f).
a. | Hy sou nog foto's kon geneem het. | ||||||||||||||
he will.AUX.MOD.PRT more photos can.AUX.MOD.PRT neem.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
He would have been able to take more photos. |
b. | Het sy dié foto geneem? | ||||||||||||||
have.AUX she this photo take.PST.PTCP | |||||||||||||||
Did she take this photo? |
c. | Sy bly die mooiste foto's neem. | ||||||||||||||
she keep.on.LINK the nicest photos take.INF | |||||||||||||||
She keeps on taking the nicest photos. |
d. | Sy bly neem die mooiste foto's. | ||||||||||||||
she keep.on.LINK take.INF the nicest photos | |||||||||||||||
She keeps on taking the nicest photos. |
e. | Staan en kyk die toeriste na die leeus? | ||||||||||||||
stand.LINK and look.INF the tourists at the lions | |||||||||||||||
Do the tourists stand looking at the lions? |
f. | Laat staan tog nou die leeus! | ||||||||||||||
let.LINK.IMP stay.INF then now the lions | |||||||||||||||
Please ignore the lions now! |
The following construction, characterised by expressing factuality or the realisRealis, is anomalous in that an auxiliary is positioned in verb-second position with a modal still present in the clause-final cluster and is likely to be a Dutch relic construction.
Hy het ook mooi foto's kon neem. |
he have.AUX also nice photos can.AUX.MOD.PRT take.INF |
He was also able to take nice photos. |
See the following sections:
The main verb and accompanying linking verbs form one subsection of the verb complex, beside modal verbs and auxiliaries, cf. (6a). We are first taking a look at the internal ordering of lexical verbs. Linking verbs form a small set of verbs, such as laat to let, sien to see, gaan to go, aanhou to keep on, staan to stand and sit to sit, which are lexically similar to verbs used as main verbs and also employed as such. Their function in a clause, however, is to qualify other lexical verbs or the clause itself. Linking verbs are divided into direct linking verbs, such as laat, and four indirect linking verbs, such as staan, sit and lê, expressing bodily postures, and loop, expressing movement. These four linking verbs are always followed, though not always directly, by the particle en. Direct linking verbs, unlike indirect linking verbs, are an open class, as the usage of betrap to catch in (6b) shows.
a. | Ons weet dat die skag al [sou moes] [gelaat sink] [gewees het]. | ||||||||||||||
we know that.COMP the shaft already shall.AUX.MOD.PRT must.AUX.MOD.PRT let.LINK sink.INF be.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
We know that (they) should already have let the shaft be sunk. |
b. | nadat haar pa haar om 'n vuur betrap dans het | ||||||||||||||
after.CNJ her father her around a fire catch.LINK dance.INF have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
after her father caught her dancing around a fire | |||||||||||||||
R.Stehle in Beeld, 2015/4/24, adapted |
Linking verbs usually precede the main verb clause-finally, as in (7a) and in verb second and verb first positions, as in (7b) and (7c) respectively.
a. | Sy het die mooiste foto's (ge)bly neem. | ||||||||||||||
she have.AUX the nicest photos keep.on.LINK take.INF | |||||||||||||||
She kept on taking the nicest photos. |
b. | Sy bly neem die mooiste foto's. | ||||||||||||||
she keep.on.LINK take.INF the nicest photos | |||||||||||||||
She keeps on taking the nicest photos. |
c. | Staan en kyk die toeriste na die leeus? |
stand.LINK and look.INF the tourists at the lions | |
Do the tourists stand looking at the lions? |
c.' | Laat staan tog nou die leeus! |
let.LINK.IMP stay.INF then now the lions | |
Please leave the lions alone now! |
A direct linking verb usually precedes an indirect linking verb, as in (8a), though the opposite order is also possible when the indirect linking verb has an emotive rather than an aspectual function, as in (8b).
a. | dat hulle graag by ons kom staan en gesels het. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP they gladly at us come.LINK stand.LINK and chat.INF have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
that they enjoyed having a chat with us |
b. | Moenie nou staan en begin moed verloor nie. | ||||||||||||||
must.not.AUX.MOD.IMP now stand.LINK and begin.LINK hope lose.INF PTCL.NEG | |||||||||||||||
Don't start losing hope now. |
Linking verbs usually precede the main verb in the final verb cluster, whether followed by an auxiliary or not, as in (9a). However, when an auxiliary such as word governs only the main verb, this verb may be separated from the auxiliary and occupy a position at the beginning of the final cluster, as in (9b), thereby causing the main verb to precede the linking verb.
a. | As hulle die huise bly oppas (het), is alles in orde. | ||||||||||||||
if.CNJ they the houses keep.on.LINK guard.INF (have.AUX) is everything in order | |||||||||||||||
If they keep/kept guarding the houses, everything is OK. |
b. | As die huise <opgepas> bly <opgepas> word, kan ons rustig slaap. | ||||||||||||||
if.CNJ the houses <guard.PST.PTCP> keep.on.LINK <guard.PST.PTCP> be.AUX.PASS.PRS canAUX.MOD we peacefully sleep | |||||||||||||||
If they keep guarding the houses we can sleep peacefully. |
Modal verbs always precede lexical verbs, as in the clause-final cluster of (10a). Still preceding the main verb, one or even more than one modal may occur in verb-second position, as in (10b) and (10c), respectively. A single modal may occur in verb-first position, as in (10bi), but not a collocation of modals, cf. (10ci). Likewise, a collocation of modal and linking verb may occur in verb-second position, as in (10d), but not in verb-first, as in (10di).
a. | dat hulle by ons sou moes gebly het. | ||||||||||||||
that.COMP they with us shall.AUX.MOD.PRT must.AUX.MOD.PRT stay.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
that they should have stayed with us. |
b. | Hulle sou by ons moes gebly het. |
they shall.AUX.MOD.PRT with us must.AUX.MOD.PRT stay.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
They should have stayed with us. |
b.' | Sou hulle by ons moes gebly het? |
shall.AUX.MOD.PRT they with us must.AUX.MOD stay.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
Should they have stayed with us? |
c. | Hulle sou moes by ons gebly het. |
they shall.AUX.MOD.PRT must.AUX.MOD.PRT with us stay.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
They should have stayed with us. |
c.' | *Sou moes hulle by ons gebly het? |
shall.AUX.MOD.PRT must.AUX.MOD.PRT they with us stay.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |
To mean: Should they have stayed with us? |
d. | ?Hulle sou probeer by ons bly het. |
they will.AUX.MOD.PRT try.LINK with us stay.INF have.AUX | |
They would have tried to stay with us. |
d.' | *Sou probeer hulle by ons bly het? |
will.AUX.MOD.PRT try.LINK they with us stay.INF have.AUX | |
To mean: Would they have tried to stay with us? |
In subordinate clauses, such as (11a), (11c ) and (11d), and in main clauses with a modal verb in second or first position, as in (11b) and (11e) respectively, auxiliary verbs such as het to have, word to become, is am, is, are, was was, were and wees to befollow lexical verbs, e.g.
a. | Dit is moontlik dat iemand die brand gestig het. | ||||||||||||||
it is possible that.COMP somebody the fire start.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
It is possible that somebody started the fire. |
b. | Iemand moes die brand gestig het. | ||||||||||||||
somebody must.AUX.MOD.PRT the fire start.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
Somebody must have started the fire. |
c. | Ek hoor dat brande gestig word. | ||||||||||||||
I hear that.COMP fires start.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |||||||||||||||
I hear that fires are being started. |
d. | Dit is duidelik dat die brand deur iemand gestig is. | ||||||||||||||
it is clear that.COMP the fire by somebody start.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS.PST | |||||||||||||||
It is clear that the fire was started by someone. |
e. | Sou die brand deur iemand kon gestig gewees het? | ||||||||||||||
shall.AUX.MOD.PRT the fire by somebody can.AUX.MOD.PRT start.PST.PTCP be.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
Could the fire have been started by somebody? |
In clause-final clusters, an auxiliary never precedes the past participle it governs, e.g.
*Hulle sê dat iemand die brand het gestig. |
they say that.COMP somebody the fire have.AUX start.PST.PTCP |
To mean: They say that somebody started the fire. |
In Afrikaans, unlike in Dutch, modals consistently precede lexical verbs as in moet ... spring must jump, with *spring … moet excluded. Modals even occupy the first or second position, as in (13a), leaving other verbs stranded clause-finally. If no modal verbs are present, V1/2 is occupied by an auxiliary, as in (13b). realis or factual construction in (13c) forms an exception in that a modal is preceded by the auxiliary het to have in verb-second position:
a. | Kon iemand 'n brand probeer stig het? | ||||||||||||||
can.AUX.MOD.PRT somebody a fire try.LINK start.INF have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
Could somebody have started a fire? |
b. | Het iemand miskien 'n brand probeer stig? | ||||||||||||||
have.AUX somebody perhaps a fire try.LINK start.INF | |||||||||||||||
Has somebody perhaps tried to start a fire? |
c. | Iemand het gelukkig die brand kon blus. | ||||||||||||||
somebody have.AUX fortunately the fire can.AUX.MOD.PRT extinguish.INF | |||||||||||||||
Fortunately, somebody was able to extinguish the fire. |
The basic sequence of verbs in a clause-final cluster is MODAL VERB(S) – LEXICAL VERB(S) – AUXILIARY VERB(S), as in (14a). A past participle not governed by het may move leftward away from the auxiliary governing it, as in (14b), and is typically positioned immediately before the clause-final verb cluster. (Note that in (14b) the past participle toegemaak is governed by the auxiliary wees to be, and the past participle gewees cannot move away from het) Collocations consisting of a linking verb and infinitive, such as leer hanteer to learn to handle in (14c), may be governed as a whole by an auxiliary, and moved together to the beginning of the final verb cluster like a past participle. Leftward movements such as these will give rise to a divergent order, viz. LEXICAL VERB(S) – MODAL VERB(S) – AUXILIARY VERB(S).
a. | Ek hoor dat die toeris na die leeu [wou] [probeer kyk] [het]. | ||||||||||||||
I hear that.COMP the tourist at the lion want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT try.LINK look.INF have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
I heard that the tourist wanted to try to look at the lion. |
b. | Hulle sê dat die venster <[toegemaak]> [moes] <[toegemaak]> [gewees het]. | ||||||||||||||
they say that.COMP the window <close.PST.PTCP> must.AUX.MOD.PRT <close.PST.PTCP> be.PST.PTCP have.AUX | |||||||||||||||
They say that the window had to be closed. |
c. | Dit is moontlik dat die probleem [(ge)leer hanteer] [kan] [word]. | ||||||||||||||
it is possible that.COMP the problem learn.LINK handle.INF can.AUX.MOD be.AUX.PASS.PRS | |||||||||||||||
It is possible that one can learn to handle the problem. |
Ordering in complex initials in Afrikaans reflects the basic clause-final order. Thus the main verb will always be last in a sequence of lexical verbs in verb-second or verb-first position, as in (15a); in the spoken language more than one modal verb may appear in verb-second position as in (15b) and (15bi) but not in the verb-first positition, cf. (15bii), and modal verb plus linking verb likewise only in verb-second position, but not in the verb-first position, as in (15c).
a. | Die harp leer speel sy baie mooi. |
the harp learn.LINK play.INF she very beautifully | |
She is learning to play the harp very beautifully. |
a.' | Probeer soek 'n nuwe een uit. |
try.LINK.IMP choose.INF a new one out | |
Try to select a new one. |
b. | Jy sal moet nou sorg dat jy jou kampe daarso het. |
you.2SG will.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD now make.sure.INF that.COMP you.2SG your camps there have.PRS | |
You have to make sure now that you have your camps there. | |
VivA-Spraakkorpus |
b.' | Jy sal moet vinnig bykom, my sussie. |
you.2SG will.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD quickly catch.up.INF my sister.DIM | |
You will have to catch up quickly, my sister. | |
P.Stamatelos: Madeliefies, 2012, 116 |
b.'' | *Sal moet jy vinnig bykom? |
will.AUX.MOD must.AUX.MOD you.2SG quickly catch.up.INF | |
To mean: Will you have to catch up quickly? |
c. | Sy gaan ophou vir die staat werk. |
she go.AUX.MOD stop.LINK for the government work.INF | |
She is going to stop working for the government. |
c.' | *Gaan ophou sy vir die staat werk? |
go.AUX.MOD stop.LINK she for the government work.INF | |
To mean: Is she going to stop working for the government? |
