- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section is divided into four parts. Subsection I focuses on adverbially used definite noun phrases, and also discusses certain more general properties of adverbially used noun phrases. Subsections II and III continue with a discussion of indefinite and quantified noun phrases, respectively. Subsection IV will specifically consider noun phrases whose nominal head is a name for a conventional unit of time, like a day of the week, a month of the year, etc.
In order for a noun phrase to be usable as an adverbial phrase of time, it must be possible to construe the nominal head as denoting a certain time interval or a certain point on the time axis. This is, of course, typically the case with nouns denoting certain conventional time spans, like dag'day', ochtend'morning', maand'month', etc. However, nouns denoting certain durative events, like wedstrijd'match' or lezing'lecture', can also be used in this way. We will start by discussing examples in which the adverbially used noun phrase refers to a certain time interval, followed by a discussion of examples in which it refers to a specific point in time. This subsection is concluded with a discussion of some differences between noun phrases used as time adjuncts and noun phrases used as arguments.
In (140), we give some examples in which the adverbially used noun phrase refers to a certain time interval. It should be noted that all noun phrases are obligatorily modified by a quantifier-like element like heel'whole', half'half' and godganse'whole blessed'; dropping these modifiers results in unacceptability.
a. | Jan | bleef | de ??(hele) morgen | thuis. | |
Jan | stayed | the whole morning | home | ||
'Jan stayed home the whole morning.' |
b. | Marie | zat | de *(halve) lezing | te gapen. | |
Marie | sat | the half lecture | to yawn | ||
'Mary was yawning during large parts of the lecture.' |
c. | Jan | zit | de *(godganse) dag | te kletsen. | |
Jan | sits | the whole blessed day | to chatter | ||
'Jan is chattering during the whole blessed day.' |
d. | Hij | heeft | zijn *(hele) leven | in Amsterdam gewoond. | |
he | has | his whole life | in Amsterdam lived | ||
'He has always lived in Amsterdam.' |
In (141), we give some examples in which the adverbially used noun phrase refers to a specific point in time. These noun phrases typically contain a modifier which clarifies the position of the referent of the noun phrase on the time axis.
a. | Marie kwam | de volgende ochtend/dag | weer | thuis. | |
Marie came | the next morning/day | again | home | ||
'Marie came home again the next morning.' |
b. | Marie | was | de week voor Pasen | nog | in Frankrijk. | |
Marie | was | the day before Easter | still | in France | ||
'Marie was the week before Easter still in France.' |
c. | Ik | ben | de volgende les | weer | aanwezig. | |
I | am | the next lesson | again | present | ||
'Iʼll be present again for the next lesson.' |
Unlike in adverbially used noun phrases referring to a time interval, the modifiers in noun phrases referring to specific point in time can be dropped provided that there is some other means to take over their function, e.g., by using a demonstrative pronoun instead of a definite article. Using a demonstrative may also save the ungrammatical examples in (140a&b), but at the expense of the durative reading: in an example such as Jan bleef die morgen thuis'Jan stayed home that morning', the adverbial phrase refers to a certain point on time axis, not to a time interval.
a. | Marie kwam | die/*de ochtend | weer | thuis. | |
Marie came | that/the morning | again | home |
b. | Marie | was | die/*de week | nog | in Frankrijk. | |
Marie | was | that/the week | still | in France |
c. | Ik | ben | ?die/*de les | weer | aanwezig. | |
I | am | that/the lesson | again | present |
Since the adverbial phrase has the form of a regular noun phrase, it can easily be confused with a direct object. In example (143a), the noun phrase can only be used as an adverbial phrase since it does not satisfy the selectional properties of the main verb: de hele dag does not refer to a danceable entity. Nevertheless, at first sight this example closely resembles example (143b), in which the noun phrase de hele dag does function as the direct object of the main verb verprutsen'to botch/spoil'.
a. | Jan danste | de *(hele/halve/godganse) avond. | adjunct | |
Jan danced | the whole/half/god.blessed night |
b. | Jan verprutste | de *(hele/halve/godganse) avond. | argument | |
Jan spoiled | the whole/half/god.blessed night |
There are, however, several differences between these examples, all related to the fact that de hele avond functions as an adjunct in (143a), but as an object in (143b). A first difference, illustrated in (144), is that the noun phrase is optional in (143a), whereas it must be realized in (143b). A second difference, also illustrated by these examples, is that (143a) can be paraphrased by means of the en doet dat-test, whereas (145a) cannot; cf. adverb tests in the glossary.
a. | Jan danste | (en | hij | deed | dat | de hele/halve/godganse avond). | |
Jan danced | and | he | did | that | the whole/half/god.blessed night |
b. | * | Jan verprutste | (en | hij | deed | dat | de hele/halve/godganse avond). |
Jan spoiled | and | he | did | that | the whole/half/god.blessed night |
Finally, the examples in (145) show that passivization of (143a) gives rise to an impersonal passive, whereas passivization of (143b) results in promotion of the noun phrase to subject.
a. | Er | werd | de hele/halve/godganse avond | gedanst. | |
there | was | the whole/half/god.blessed night | danced |
b. | De hele/halve/godganse avond | werd | verprutst. | |
the whole/half/god.blessed night | was | spoiled |
An example such as (146a) is genuinely ambiguous between the two readings. The verb spelen'to play' can be used transitively as in een etude spelen'to play/perform an etude' or as an intransitive verb like in (met poppen) spelen'to play (with dolls)'. In the active construction in (146a), the verb can be construed in both ways. If the noun phrase is dropped or the sentence is paraphrased by means of the en doet dat-test, as in (146b), only the intransitive reading survives. The passive construction can be also used to disambiguate the sentence: if the passive construction is impersonal, as in (146c), we are dealing with intransitive spelen; if the noun phrase is promoted to subject, as in (146c'), we are dealing with transitive spelen.
a. | Jan speelde | het hele concert. | |
Jan played | the whole concerto/concert | ||
'Jan played the whole concertoor 'Jan played during the whole concert' |
b. | Jan | speelde | (en hij deed dat het hele concert). | |
Jan | played | and he did that the whole concert |
c. | Er | werd | het hele concert | gespeeld. | |
there | was | the whole concert | played |
c'. | Het hele concert | werd | gespeeld. | |
the whole concerto | was | played |
In this specific case, the addition of an instrumental PP can also have a disambiguating effect since the referent of the complement of the preposition met may make clear which use of spelen is intended: in Jan speelde het hele concert met zijn poppen'Jan played with his dolls during the whole concert', the verb is clearly used intransitively. Verbs that yield an ambiguity similar to spelen are zingen'sing' and fluiten'to whistle/to play the flute'.
Indefinite noun phrases normally refer to a certain time interval, as in (147). In these cases, the noun typically denotes a conventional time unit like uur'hour', dag'day', maand'month', etc. Often these nouns surface in their diminutive form.
a. | Hij | komt | een uurtje/?uur | op visite. | |
he | comes | an hourdim/hour | on visit |
b. | Hij | is een jaartje/jaar | in Frankrijk | geweest. | |
he | is a yeardim/year | in France | been |
Indefinite noun phrases containing a numeral or a quantifier like enkele'some/several' may also be used to refer to a time interval. In such cases the noun normally denotes a conventional time unit. Some examples are given in (148). Note that the noun sometimes appears in its singular form if preceded by a cardinal numeral; see Section 6.1.1.3, sub B2, for discussion.
a. | Hij | is drie weken | op vakantie | geweest. | |
he | is three weeks | on holiday | been | ||
'He has been on holiday for three weeks.' |
b. | Hij | heeft | drie uur/?uren | liggen | slapen. | |
he | has | three hours | lie | sleep | ||
'He has been sleeping for three hours.' |
c. | Hij | heeft | enkele uren | vastgezeten | in de lift. | |
he | has | some hours | sat.stuck | in the elevator | ||
'He has been stuck in the elevator for some hours.' |
On the frequency reading, the noun must denote a time unit that is relatively short. Some nouns that typically appear as the head of a noun phrase used as a frequency adverb are ochtend'morning', middag'afternoon', avond'night', but not week'week' or maand'month'. Consider the examples in (149). In an example such as (149a), the noun phrase drie avonden'three nights' refers to three separate points in time, whereas twee weken'two weeks' in (149b) is instead interpreted as referring to a certain time interval.
a. | Ik | heb | deze week | drie avonden | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | three nights | danced | ||
'This week, Iʼve danced on three nights.' |
b. | Ik | heb | deze maand | twee weken | gewandeld. | |
I | have | this month | two weeks | walked | ||
'This month, Iʼve walked for two weeks.' |
In addition to the nouns denoting a conventional time unit, nouns like keer or maal'time' in (150a) are typically used in these contexts: note that these nouns normally take the singular form if preceded by a numeral, but the plural form if preceded by a quantifier like enkele'several'. Occasionally, examples such as (150b) can also be found, where the noun denotes a set of durative events.
a. | Ik | heb | deze maand | twee keer/enkele keren | gewandeld. | |
I | have | this month | two time/several times | walked | ||
'This month, Iʼve walked two/several times.' |
b. | Jan is drie lessen | afwezig | geweest. | |
Jan is three lessons | absent | been | ||
'Jan has been absent at three lessons.' |
On the frequency reading, there seems to be no restriction on the quantifier in the noun phrase; whereas the universal quantifiers alle'all' and elke'every' and the quantifier sommige'some' are not possible in noun phrases referring to a time interval, they can appear in noun phrases used as adverbial phrases of frequency.
a. | Ik | heb | deze week | alle avonden | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | all nights | danced | ||
'This week Iʼve danced all nights.' |
b. | Ik | heb | deze week | elke avond | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | all nights | danced | ||
'This week Iʼve danced every night.' |
c. | Ik | heb | deze week | sommige avonden | gedanst. | |
I | have | this week | some nights | danced | ||
'This week Iʼve danced some nights.' |
Subsection III has shown that noun phrases headed by names of days, months, seasons, and other conventionally distinguished time units can be used as adverbial phrases. There is, however, a rather complicated system that determines whether these nouns can or must be accompanied by a determiner. Further, the names of some of these time units may feature in noun phrases exhibiting genitive case; some examples are given in (152).
a. | names of days: ’s maandags'on Monday(s)', dinsdags'on Tuesday(s)', ’s woensdags, donderdags, vrijdags, ’s zaterdags, ’s zondags |
b. | seasons: ’s zomers'in the summer', s winters'in the winter', *’s herfts, *’s lentes |
c. | other conventional time units: ’s morgens'in the morning', s middags'in the afternoon', ’s avonds'in the evening', s nachts'at night', etc.other conventional time units: ’s morgens'in the morning', s middags'in the afternoon', ’s avonds'in the evening', s nachts'at night', etc. |
Note that the nouns in these genitive phrases are generally preceded by the reduced form of the genitive article des'the' and inflected with the genitive ending-s. Since modern Dutch does not make use of the case-inflected forms of the noun and the determiner, the forms in (152) must be considered lexicalized, which is also supported by the fact that the genitive article is missing in the case of dinsdags, donderdags and vrijdags, and the fact that the nouns herfst'fall' and lente'spring' do not have these genitive counterparts.
Noun phrases headed by the name of a day can readily be used as adverbial phrases. If preceded by a determiner, they refer to a time interval, and are then preferably modified by a quantifier like heel'whole', as in (153a). If they are not preceded by a determiner, they refer to a specific point of time, which may either precede or follow the speech time: a noun phrase like maandag'Monday' in (153b&b') can either refer to a time before or after the speech time; the actual reading depends on the tense of the modified clause and can be made explicit by adding a modifier like afgelopen'last' or komende'next'. Note that when a PP-modifier is used, as in (153c), a determiner must also be used.
a. | Jan heeft | de hele maandag | gewandeld. | |
Jan has | the whole Monday | walked | ||
'Jan has walked all Monday.' |
b. | (Afgelopen) maandag | was | ik | in Antwerpen. | |
last Monday | was | I | in Antwerp | ||
'Last Monday, I was in Antwerp.' |
b'. | (Komende) maandag | ben | ik | in Antwerpen. | |
next Monday | am | I | in Antwerp | ||
'Next Monday, Iʼll be in Antwerp.' |
c. | We | komen | *(de) zondag | voor/na Pasen | bij je | op bezoek. | |
we | come | the Sunday | before/after Easter | at you | on visit | ||
'We come to visit you the Sunday after Easter.' |
The genitive form can also be used to refer to a certain point in time. The difference between the adverbial phrase maandag in (153b&b') and ’s maandags in (154a) is that the former refers to the Monday immediately preceding or following the speech time, whereas the latter refers to a certain Monday within a contextually determined span of time, e.g., the Monday during the Easter weekend; using this genitive form to refer to the Monday immediately preceding or following the speech time gives rise to an unacceptable result. The genitive form is also very common as a frequency adverb; example (154b) shows that in this use the genitive form alternates with the adverbial PP op maandag.
a. | ʼs Maandags | heb | ik | lekker | gewandeld. | |
on Monday | have | I | nicely | walked | ||
'On Monday I made a nice walk.' |
b. | ʼs Maandags/Op maandag | ga | ik | vaak | naar de film. | |
on Mondays | go | I | often | to the movies | ||
'On Mondays, I often go to the movies.' |
Noun phrases containing the names of months can also be used adverbially. They then refer to a certain time interval, and are normally modified by a quantifier like heel'whole', as in (155a). Using the modifier half'half', as in (155b), leads to ambiguity: it can express that the proposition holds for a large part of the month, or that it holds around the 15th of that month. In the latter use it has a function similar to that of the numeral in (155c), in which case, however, the adverbial phrase is preferably realized as a PP headed by op'at'.
a. | Jan is *(heel) april | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
Jan is whole April | in the United States | ||
'Jan will be in the US during April.' |
b. | Jan is half april | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
Jan is half April | in the United States | ||
'Jan will be in the US during a large part of April/around April 15th.' |
c. | Jan is (op) 13 april | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
Jan is at 13 April | in the United States | ||
'Jan will be in the US on April 13th.' |
Noun phrases headed by the names of months are not used to refer to a certain point in time, nor do the names of months appear in genitive phrases. Instead, a PP is used, headed by the temporal preposition in: in januari'in January'. Note that the names of months are normally not preceded by a determiner.
Noun phrases headed by the name of a season can be used adverbially to refer to a certain time interval, as in (156a). Unlike the names of months, names of seasons must then be preceded by a determiner. Normally, a modifier like heel'whole' is present. If used to denote a certain position on the time axis, the noun phrase optionally contains a determiner, as shown in (156b). As is shown in (156c), a modifier like komende is required, unless the determiner is a demonstrative.
a. | Ik | ben | *(de) hele lente/zomer/herfst/winter | in de Verenigde Staten. | |
I | am | the whole spring/summer /fall/winter | in the United States |
b. | Ik | ga | (de) | komende | lente/zomer/herfst/winter | niet | op vakantie. | |
I | go | the | next | spring/summer /fall/winter | not | on holiday | ||
'I wonʼt go on holiday next spring/summer /fall/winter.' |
c. | Ik | ga | deze/*de winter | niet | op vakantie. | |
I | go | this/the winter | not | on holiday | ||
'I wonʼt go on holiday this (coming) winter.' |
The use of the genitive form to refer to a certain season within a contextually determined time is not very natural: using (157a) to refer to, say, the winter of 1981 seems forced. It is very common, however, to use the genitive form as an adverbial phrase of frequency, as in (157b). In this use, the genitive form alternates with the PP in de winter'in winter'; this option is, of course, the only one available for the nouns lente'spring' and herfst'fall', since they do not have a genitive form.
a. | # | Ik | heb | ʼs winters | heerlijk | gewandeld. |
I | have | in winter | nicely | walked |
b. | ʼs Winters | is het | hier | erg koud. | |
in winter | is it | here | very cold | ||
'In winter, itʼs very cold here.' |
c. | In de lente | is het | hier | erg mooi. | |
in the spring | is it | here | very beautiful | ||
'In spring, itʼs very beautiful here.' |
Other conventional time units are expressed by nouns like weekend'weekend', dag'day', week'week', ochtend'morning' or avond'night'. If a noun phrase headed by these nouns refers to a time interval, as in the (a)-examples of (158) and (159), it is preceded by a determiner and a modifier like heel'whole' is required. If the noun phrase is used to refer to a certain point on the time axis, as in the (b)-examples, the determiner can often be left out. The (c)-examples show that the use of a modifier is obligatory unless the determiner is a demonstrative. If the noun phrase contains a PP-modifier, as in the (d)-examples, the determiner is obligatory.
a. | Ik | ben | *(het) hele weekend | in Antwerpen. | |
I | am | the whole weekend | in Antwerp |
b. | Ik | was | het vorige weekend/vorig weekend | in Antwerpen. | |
I | was | the last weekend/last weekend | in Antwerp |
c. | Ik | ben | dat/?het weekend | in Antwerpen. | |
I | am | that/the weekend | in Antwerp |
d. | Ik | kom | het weekend | voor/na Pasen | bij je | op bezoek. | |
I | come | the weekend | before/after Easter | at you | on visit | ||
'I come to visit you the weekend before/after Easter.' |
a. | Ik | ben | *(de) hele dag/avond | thuis. | |
I | am | the whole day/evening | home |
b. | Hij | komt | ?(de) komende dag/avond | weer | thuis. | |
he | comes | the next day/evening | again | home |
c. | Hij | komt | ?die/*de dag/avond | weer | thuis. | |
he | comes | that/the day/evening | again | home |
d. | Ik | kom | de dag | voor/na Pasen | bij je | op bezoek. | |
I | come | the day | before/after Easter | at you | on visit | ||
'I come to visit you the day before/after Easter.' |
Note, however, that dropping the determiner in (159b) is somewhat marginal. It may be the case that the use of the bare noun phrases komende dag and komende avond is blocked by the existence of the lexical forms morgen'tomorrow' and morgenavond'tomorrow night'. This is supported by the fact that noun phrases like vorige/afgelopen week'last/the past week' or volgende maand'next month', for which such lexical items do not exist, are perfectly acceptable without the determiner: actually, in these cases the determiner cannot be used.
a. | Ik | was (*de) | vorige/afgelopen | week/maand | in Amsterdam. | |
I | was the | last/past | week/month | in Amsterdam | ||
'I was in Amsterdam last/the past week/month.' |
b. | Ik | ga | (*de) | volgende | week/maand | naar Amsterdam. | |
I | go | the | next | week/month | to Amsterdam | ||
'I go to Amsterdam next week/month.' |
Nouns denoting a certain part of the day also allow a genitive form: ’s morgen'in the mornings', s middags'in the afternoon(s)', ’s avonds'in the evening/night(s)', s nachts'in the night(s)', etc. These genitive phrases can either refer to the morning, afternoon. etc. of a contextually defined day, or be used as an adverbial phrase of frequency.
a. | Hij | kwam | ʼs avonds | doodmoe | thuis. | |
he | came | in the evening | dead.tired | home | ||
'The evening of that day, he came home dead tired.' |
b. | ʼs Morgens | werkt | hij thuis. | |
in the morning(s) | works | he home | ||
'In the morning(s), he works at home.' |
The genitive form ’s avonds and ’s morgen in (161) cannot refer to the night/morning of the day that includes the speech time: in order to do that, one has to make use of the form vanavond'tonight'/vanmorgen'this morning'. Other forms featuring the morpheme van that have a similar blocking effect are: vandaag'today', vanmiddag'this afternoon' and vannacht'tonight'. Perhaps these forms are related to the phrases van de week'some time this week', van de maand'some time this month', van de winter'some time last/next winter'.
a. | Ik | ben | vanavond | thuis. | |
I | am | tonight | home |
b. | Hij | was | vanmorgen | ziek. | |
he | was | this.morning | ill |
Finally, note that there are no genitive forms of the nouns dag'day', week'week', maand'month' or jaar'year' that can be used in the contexts in (161). There do exist archaic genitive forms like daags and s jaars that occur in formal language, but these forms do not have the same function as the genitive forms in (161); some examples are daags na die ontmoeting'a day after that meeting' and tweemaal daags/’s jaars'twice a day/year'.