- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section discusses various types of relational adjectives. As we have noted in Section 1.3.1, relational adjectives differ from set-denoting adjectives in that they do not denote a property of the noun they modify, but express a relation between two entities; cf. also Heynderickx (1992). Compare the two typical examples in (119a&b), which can be paraphrased as shown in the primed examples.
a. | vaderlandse | geschiedenis | |
national | history |
a'. | geschiedenis | over | het vaderland | |
history | of | the native country |
b. | normatief | taalgebruik | |
normative | usage |
b'. | taalgebruik | volgens | de norm | |
usage | according.to | the norm |
Section 1.3.1 has shown that the relational adjectives (i) cannot be used predicatively, (ii) are not gradable, that is, have no comparative/superlative form and cannot be modified by means of an intensifier, and (iii) cannot be prefixed by means of the negative affix on-. However, these adjectives occasionally have a tendency to shift their meaning in the direction of the set-denoting adjectives. As a consequence, the distinction between qualifying and relational adjectives is not always easy to make. Whenever this is the case, we will point this out in the more comprehensive discussion in the following subsections.
As will be clear from the examples in (119), the relation expressed by the relational adjectives involves the entity denoted by the modified noun and an entity denoted by the adjective itself. In view of this, it is not surprising that relational adjectives are generally denominal. Some systematic morphological classes of denominal relational adjectives are given in the first four rows of Table 9. Some less systematic cases are given in the final row. The abbreviations g and n in the column labeled affix indicate whether we are dealing with an affix of a Germanic or non-Germanic origin; cf. De Haas and Trommelen (1993) for discussion.
type adjective | type stem | affix | example | translation | |
geographical (see sub II) | person noun | -s | g | Turks | Turkish |
-isch | n | Aziatisch | Asiatic | ||
-er | g | Groninger | from Groningen | ||
movement or trend (see sub III) | person noun | -s | g | chomskiaans | Chomskyan |
-isch | n | kapitalistisch | capitalistic | ||
-er | g | dominicaner | Dominican | ||
time or frequency (see sub IV) | time noun | -(e)lijk | g | nachtelijk | nocturnal |
-s | g | zaterdags | Saturday-s | ||
-(e)lijks | g | wekelijks | weekly | ||
substance (see sub V) | substance noun | -en | g | houten gouden | wooden gold |
other cases (see sub VI) | native noun | -ig | g | taalkundig | linguistic |
-(e)lijk | g | vrouwelijk | feminine | ||
non-native noun | -isch | n | morfologisch | morphological | |
-aal -eel | n | fiscaal cultureel | fiscal cultural | ||
-air | n | primair | primary | ||
-ief | n | administratief | administrative | ||
-iek | n | diplomatiek | diplomatic | ||
-iel | n | tactiel | tactile |
Note that most affixes in the final row can also be used to derive set-denoting adjectives; some examples are misdad-ig'criminal', vriend-elijk'friendly', symbol-isch'symbolic', paradox-aal'paradoxical', and element-air'elementary'.
The geographical adjectives are generally derived from nouns by means of affixation. In De Haas and Trommelen (1993), three typical cases are distinguished, which we will discuss in the following subsections. We will not discuss the exceptions to the general rules, but simply refer the reader to the comprehensive list of person nouns and geographical adjectives in Haeseryn et al. (1997:748-782) for details.
Table 10 shows that adjectives of the type Turks are derived from geographical person nouns, which in their turn can be derived from geographical names. The geographical adjective is derived by means of suffixation of the person noun with -s, unless the latter already has an -s ending; cf. the examples in rows (i) and (ii). If the person noun is derived from the geographical name by means of the nominal suffix -er (or more incidentally -ing, -(e)ling, -(e)naar), the corresponding geographical adjective is derived by means of truncation, that is, the person affix is replaced by the adjectival suffix -s; cf. row (iii). Adjectives like buitenlands'foreign', binnenlands'domestic' and vaderlands'national' probably also belong to this class.
a. | buitenland | 'foreign country' |
a'. | buitenlander |
a''. | buitenlands |
b. | binnenland | 'home land' |
b'. | binnenlander |
b''. | binnenlands |
c. | vaderland | 'native country' |
b'. | vaderlander |
c''. | vaderlands |
If the person noun is not morphologically derived from the geographical name, the adjective can still be derived from the person noun by means of the suffix -s; cf. row (iv).
geographical name | translation | person noun | adjective | |
(i) | Amerika | America | Amerikaan | Amerikaans |
Palestina | Palestine | Palestijn | Palestijns | |
(ii) | China | China | Chinees | Chinees |
Libanon | Lebanon | Libanees | Libanees | |
(iii) | Nederland | the Netherlands | Nederlander | Nederlands |
Gent | Gent | Gentenaar | Gents | |
Vlaanderen | Flanders | Vlaming | Vlaams | |
(iv) | Zweden | Sweden | Zweed | Zweeds |
Zwitserland | Switzerland | Zwitser | Zwitsers | |
Wallonië | Wallonia | Waal | Waals |
Table 11 shows that geographical adjectives ending in -isch are all derived from person nouns, which in their turn are normally derived from geographical names.Row (i) of this table shows that, if the geographical name ends in -ië and the person noun is derived by means of the Germanic person suffix -er, the resulting complex -iër is replaced by -isch. Otherwise, the affix -isch is simply added to the person affix, as shown in rows (ii) and (iii). Occasionally, the -isch ending is also possible if the person noun is not morphologically derived from a geographical name, as shown in row (iv).
geographical name | translation | person noun | adjective | |
(i) | Australië | Australia | Australiër | Australisch |
Ethiopië | Ethiopia | Ethiopiër | Ethiopisch | |
(ii) | Azië | Asia | Aziaat | Aziatisch |
(iii) | Moskou | Moscow | Moskoviet | Moskovitisch |
Monaco | Monaco | Monegask | Monegaskisch | |
(iv) | Rusland | Russia | Rus | Russisch |
Koerdistan | Koerdistan | Koerd | Koerdisch |
When we are dealing with a Dutch geographical name, the geographical adjective can occasionally be formed by means of the affix -er. These adjectives are generally used in fixed collocations; two examples of such collocations are given in (121b&c). The geographical adjectives with -er are special in that they never allow the attributive -e inflection; cf. Section 5.1.2, sub II.
a. | het Urker Mannenkoor | |
'the male voice choir from Urk' |
b. | Edammer kaas | |
'cheese from Edam' |
c. | Groninger koek | |
'gingerbread from Groningen' |
Occasionally, place adjectives occur that do not have a clear nominal stem, are not semantically transparent, or do not fall into the classes A to C. Often, these involve elements that are mostly used as adverbs of place. Examples are given in (122).
a. | buitengaats | 'offshore' |
b. | ginds | 'yonder' |
c. | plaatselijk | 'local' |
Further, there are adjectives that seem to have been derived from a preposition or a particle by means of the affix -ste, which is also used to derive superlatives. Some examples are given in (123). Like superlatives, which are derived by means of the suffix -ste, these adjectives do not readily appear in indefinite noun phrases: de/??een onderste plank'the/a bottom shelf'.
a. | onderste | 'bottom/undermost' |
b. | bovenste | 'top/upmost' |
c. | middelste | 'middle' |
d. | buitenste | 'outermost' |
It should be noted, however, that it is not clear whether the adjective middelste is indeed derived from a preposition, given that the corresponding preposition would be midden, not middel. Similar doubt may arise for the other cases given that their meanings are only loosely related to the meanings of the presumed input prepositions onder'under', boven'above' and buiten'outside'.
Instead of denoting a set, the geographical adjectives seem to express an underspecified kind-of relation in the sense that they can express almost any conceivable relationship between the head of the modified noun phrase and the input noun of the adjective: the noun phrases in (124a-c) refer to, respectively, the dunes situated in the Netherlands, the lifestyle that is common in the Netherlands or typical of the Dutch, and cheese made in the Netherlands. Example (124d), finally, may be construed as involving a thematic relation: this relation is preferably agentive in nature, in which case the noun phrase refers to the repression by the Dutch of, e.g., the Netherlands Indies, but, for at least some speakers, the adjective may also express the theme of the input verb of the deverbal noun, in which case the noun phrase refers to the repression of the Dutch by, e.g., the Spaniards in the sixteenth century.
a. | de | Nederlandse | duinen | |
the | Dutch | dunes |
b. | de Nederlandse | levensstijl | |
the Dutch | lifestyle |
c. | Nederlandse | kaas | |
Dutch | cheese |
d. | de | Nederlandse | onderdrukking | |
the | Dutch | repression |
The examples in (125) show that geographical adjectives cannot readily be used predicatively. This is due to the fact that it is not clear to what set of entities an adjective such as Turks should refer: it is not evident that there is a set of entities that can be properly characterized as being “Turkish".
a. | de | Turkse | vloot | |
the | Turkish | fleet |
c. | Edammer | kaas | |
from.Edam | cheese |
a'. | * | Deze vloot is Turks. |
c'. | * | Deze kaas is Edammer. |
b. | de | Aziatisch | kust | |
the | Asiatic | coast |
d. | de | plaatselijke | krant | |
the | local | newspaper |
b'. | * | Deze kust is Aziatisch. |
d'. | * | Deze krant is plaatselijk. |
Nevertheless, in certain contexts the meaning of the geographical adjectives tends to shift in the direction of the set-denoting adjectives. This tendency can be enforced by adding the adverb typisch'typically' to the adjective, as in (126).
a. | ? | Deze duinen | zijn | typisch | Nederlands. |
these dunes | are | typically | Dutch |
b. | Deze levensstijl | is typisch | Nederlands. | |
this lifestyle | is typically | Dutch |
c. | Deze kaas | is typisch | Nederlands. | |
this cheese | is typically | Dutch |
d. | ? | Deze onderdrukking | is typisch | Nederlands. |
this repression | is typically | Dutch |
Occasionally, as in (127), the prefix on- yields a reasonably acceptable result, too, in which case an intensifier can also be added; the meaning of onnederlands is approximately “not typically Dutch". This “extended" use is especially common with the adjective types discussed in Subsections A and B, and completely excluded with the adjectives of the type discussed in Subsection C.
a. | ? | Deze duinen | zijn | (erg) | onnederlands. |
these dunes | are | very | un-Dutch |
b. | Deze levensstijl is (erg) onnederlands. |
c. | Deze kaas is (erg) onnederlands. |
d. | ? | Deze onderdrukking is (erg) onnederlands. |
Table 12 shows that, like geographical adjectives, “movement/trend" adjectives are derived from person nouns. Three subclasses can be distinguished: suffixation with -s, with -isch and with -er. The person nouns from which the “movement/trend" adjectives are derived are often morphologically complex themselves.
stem | person noun | movement/trend adjective | |
(i) | Chomsky | chomskiaan | chomskiaans |
Popper | popperiaan | popperiaans | |
Freud | freudiaan | freudiaans | |
(ii) | kapitaal capital | kapitalist capitalist | kapitalistisch capitalist(ic) |
commune | communist | communistisch | |
Marx | marxist | marxistisch | |
(iii) | Dominicus | dominicaan | dominicaner |
Franciscus | franciscaan | franciscaner |
Occasionally, it is not clear (at least not from a synchronic point of view) what the stem of the person noun is; cf. (128a). In other cases, the person noun seems to be lacking or the adjective seems to be derived from the stem directly; cf. (128b'). Seemingly simple adjectives of this type occur as well; cf. (128c).
stem | person noun | adjective | translation | |
a. | (protest) | protestant | protestants | protestant |
a' | — | fascist | fascistisch | fascist |
b. | Elizabeth | ?elizabethaan | elizabethaans | Elizabethan |
b'. | Siegenbeek | ??siegenbekiaan | siegenbeeks | — |
c. | — | katholiek | katholiek | catholic |
c'. | (Rome) | — | rooms | roman catholic |
The “movement/trend" adjectives are used to express relations of several kinds, and a proper interpretation often requires substantial knowledge of the world. Some examples are given in (129).
a. | een | elizabethaans | toneelstuk | |
an | Elizabethan | drama | ||
'a drama from the Elizabethan era' |
b. | de | popperiaanse | aanpak | |
the | Popperian | method | ||
'the method described by Popper' |
c. | een | dominicaner | monnik | |
a | Dominican | friar | ||
'a friar of the Dominican order' |
Although “movement/trend" adjectives cannot readily be used predicatively, they may shift their meaning towards the set-denoting adjectives, especially if they are used to refer to a certain cultural or scientific period or movement, as in (130a&b). In these cases, modification by an intensifier such as zeer'very' or on- prefixation is allowed, too.
a. | Dit toneelstuk | is (zeer) | (on-)elizabethaans. | |
this drama | is very | (un-)Elizabethan |
b. | ? | Dit denkbeeld | is (typisch) | communistisch. |
this concept | is typically | communist |
This predicative use of “movement/trend" adjectives is blocked, however, if the lexicon contains a set-denoting adjective that is derived from the same nominal stem, as in the case of dominicaner. This is shown in (131).
a. | * | Deze opvatting | is typisch | dominicaner. |
this concept | is typically | Dominican |
b. | Deze opvatting | is typisch | dominicaans. | |
this concept | is typically | Dominican |
This subsection discusses the class of adjectives that express a temporal notion. These adjectives can be derived from nouns in various ways, as exemplified in (132a-c). Next to these main types there are several other time adjectives: some of these, like regelmatig'regular' in (132d), are also derived from a nominal base, whereas others, like voormalig'former' in (132e), are simply basic forms.
a. | het nachtelijk bezoek | 'the nocturnal visit' |
b. | de zaterdagse bijlage | 'the Saturday supplement' |
c. | zijn maandelijkse column | 'his monthly column' |
d. | de (on)regelmatige klachten | 'the (ir)regular complaints' |
e. | de voormalige president | 'the former president' |
The first type is derived by means of the suffix -(e)lijk from nouns denoting certain parts of the day, like ochtend'morning', nacht'night', and middag'afternoon'. These adjectives are especially used as modifiers of nouns that denote “events" that occur at the time denoted by the input noun of the derived adjective. The examples in (133) are all taken from the internet, but it should be noted that the frequency with which they occur varies tremendously: whereas nachtelijk is very frequent (over 100,000 hits), avondlijk is clearly less common (4,000 hits), and middaglijk is simply rare (just a few hits). Note that these adjectives all frequently occur as a modifier of the noun uur, e.g. middaglijk uur'some time during the afternoon'.
a. | nachtelijk debat | 'debate during the night' |
b. | avondlijk vertier | 'pleasure during the evening' |
c. | middaglijk pintje | 'a glass of beer drunk in the afternoon' |
The examples in (134a) show that time adjectives can readily be derived from the names of days by means of the suffix -s: maandags. This is harder if the input noun is the name of a month of the year, although the adjective maarts derived from maart'March' is fairly common in fixed collocations like maartse buien'spring rains' or names such as maarts viooltje'Sweet Violet'. Other forms are much rarer but do occur in, e.g., weather reports: some examples taken from the internet are given in (134b). The derivational process seems to be phonologically restricted in the sense that the input noun must end in a consonant; we did not find any adjectives derived from januari'January', februari'February', mei'May', juni'June', and juli'July'. Furthermore, we did not find any form derived from augustus'August', which might be related to the fact that this form already ends in /s/. Time adjectives can also be derived from the names of the seasons of the year: the adjectives zomers'summery' and winters'wintery' are very common; the adjective herfsts (lit.: fall-s) does occur, but seems to give rise to a more marked result; the adjective *lentes (lit.: spring-s) is not attested, which seems to fit in with our earlier observation that names of the month of the year must end in a consonant in order to enter the derivational process.
a. | Days of the week: maandags'on Monday', dinsdags, woensdags, donderdags, vrijdags, zaterdags, zondags |
b. | Months of the year: maartse buien'spring rains'; aprilse grillen'changeabilities', septemberse nazomerdag'an Indian summer day in September', oktoberse temperaturen'temperatures that are typical for October', novemberse storm'storm in November'Months of the year: maartse buien'spring rains'; aprilse grillen'changeabilities', septemberse nazomerdag'an Indian summer day in September', oktoberse temperaturen'temperatures that are typical for October', novemberse storm'storm in November' |
c. | Seasons; zomers weer'summery weather', herfstse kleuren'the color of autumn leaves', winterse kou'wintery cold' |
More complex combinations also occur; common examples are cases like zeventiende-eeuws'from the seventeenth century' (lit.: seventeenth-century-s) and driedaags'three-day'.
a. | een zeventiende-eeuws schilderij | |
'a painting from the seventeenth century' |
b. | een driedaags bezoek | |
'a visit that lasts three days' |
The third type of time adjective is also derived by means of the suffix -(e)lijks. This group is derived from nouns like dag'day', week'week', maand'month', and jaar'year', and is used to indicate some notion of frequency.
a. | ons dagelijks brood | 'our daily bread' |
b. | het wekelijks uitje | 'the weekly outing' |
c. | het maandelijkse tijdschrift | 'the monthly journal' |
d. | het jaarlijks bal | 'the yearly ball' |
More complex combinations like driemaandelijks'three-monthly' are also possible. Again, these formations indicate some notion of frequency; in this respect the formations tweejaarlijks'biennial' and halfjaarlijks'half yearly' in (137b&c) differ from their counterparts ending in -ig in een tweejarig/halfjarig verblijf in het buitenland'a two years'/six months’ stay abroad’, which denote a certain span of time.
a. | een driemaandelijks tijdschrift | |
'a journal that appears once in every three months' |
b. | een tweejaarlijkse bijeenkomst | |
'a meeting that is held once in every two years' |
c. | een halfjaarlijkse bijeenkomst | |
'a meeting that is held once in every six months' |
Occasionally, time adjectives occur that have no clear nominal stem, are not semantically transparent, or do not fall into the classes discussed in the previous subsections. Generally, these involve elements that are mostly used as adverbial phrases of time, such as tijdelijk'temporary(-ily)', (on)regelmatig'(ir)regular(ly)', and onmiddellijk'immediate(ly)'. Not surprisingly, therefore, the primeless examples can often be paraphrased by means of a clause in which the adjective is used adverbially. The (b)-examples in (138) show that if the adjective can be prefixed with on- on its adverbial use, this is also possible on its attributive use.
a. | een | tijdelijke | maatregel | |
a | temporary | measure |
a'. | een maatregel | die | tijdelijk | van kracht | is | |
a measure | that | temporarily | in force | is |
b. | (on)regelmatige | gezondheidsklachten | |
(ir)regular | health problems |
b'. | gezondheidsklachten | die | regelmatig | optreden | |
health problems | that | regularly | prt.-occur |
c. | een | onmiddellijke | terugtrekking | |
the | immediate | retreat |
c'. | een terugtrekking | die | onmiddellijk | plaatsvindt | |
a retreat | that | immediately | takes.place |
Furthermore, there are some isolated cases like huidig'present(-day)' and voormalig'former', which cannot be used adverbially; see Section 1.3.5 for further discussion.
de | huidige/voormalige | president | ||
the | present/former | president |
The examples in (140) show that time and frequency adjectives generally cannot be used as predicates, which is clearly related to the fact that there is no set of entities that can be characterized as being, e.g., “monthly" or “former". Similarly, comparative and superlative formation, modification by an intensifier and on- prefixation are excluded (with the exception of regelmatig'regular' in (138b), which allows on- prefixation and comparative formation on its adverbial use, too).
a. | *? | Zijn column | is/lijkt | maandelijks. |
his column | is/seems | monthly |
b. | * | De bijlage | is/lijkt | zaterdags. |
the supplement | is/seems | Saturdays |
c. | * | De terugtrekking | is/lijkt | dadelijk. |
the retreat | is/seems | immediate |
d. | ?? | Deze klachten | zijn/schijnen | (on)regelmatig. |
these complaints | are/seems | (ir)regular |
e. | * | Deze president | is/lijkt | voormalig. |
this president | is/seems | former |
Occasionally, however, the time adjectives do occur in predicative position, which shows that they tend to shift their meaning towards the set-denoting adjectives. As is shown in (141), whether predicative use of the adjective is possible often depends on the nature of the subject of the clause.
a. | een | zomerse | bui | |
a | summery | shower |
c. | de | voorlopige/tijdelijke | voorzitter | |
the | provisional/temporary | chairman |
a'. | * | De bui | is zomers. |
c'. | * | De voorzitter is voorlopig/tijdelijk. |
b. | zomers weer | |
summery weather |
d. | een | voorlopige/tijdelijke | oplossing | |
a | provisional/temporary | solution |
b'. | Dit weer | is erg zomers. | |
this weather | is very summery |
d'. | Deze oplossing | is voorlopig/tijdelijk. | |
this solution | is provisional/temporary |
If predicative use of the adjective is possible, the time adjective can often also be modified by means of an intensifier, as shown by (142a). If the adjective refers to a certain historical or cultural period, the predicative use of the time adjective is always fully acceptable; cf. (142b).
a. | Een dergelijke opvatting | is/lijkt | (typisch) | middeleeuws. | |
such an opinion | is/seems | typically | medieval |
b. | Dit schilderij | is/lijkt | zeventiende-eeuws. | |
this painting | is/seems | seventeenth-century |
The examples in (138) have already shown that many time adjectives can also be used adverbially. This seems especially common with those adjectives that express frequency: the examples in (143) show that the adjectives dagelijks and maandelijks have meanings comparable to those of the adverbially used noun phrases elke dag'every day' and elke maand'every month'.
a. | We gaan | dagelijks/elke dag | naar de bioscoop. | |
we go | daily/every day | to the cinema |
b. | Dit tijdschrift | verschijnt | maandelijks/elke maand. | |
this journal | appears | monthly/every month |
For completeness’ sake, note that copular constructions such as (140a) should not be confused with expletive constructions such as (144), in which the time adjective is used adverbially. A clear difference between the two constructions is that the time adjective is optional in (144) but not in (140a).
a. | Zijn column | is er | (maandelijks/elke maand). | |
his column | is there | monthly/every month |
b. | Zijn column | is er | (dagelijks/elke dag). | |
his column | is there | daily/every day |
Substance adjectives, such as houten'wooden' and gouden'gold' in (145), are derived from substance nouns by means of suffixation with –en, and can only be used attributively. Given that the suffix is pronounced as schwa /ə/, they are never inflected in attributive position. The substance adjectives are non-gradable in the sense that they cannot be modified by means of an intensifier or undergo comparative/superlative formation. The relation that is expressed in the primeless examples in (145) can be paraphrased by means of the predicate is gemaakt van'is made of', as in (146).
a. | de | (*zeer) | houten | kom | |
the | very | wooden | bowl |
a'. | * | De kom | is/lijkt | houten. |
the bowl | is/seems | wooden |
b. | de | (*zeer) | gouden | ring | |
the | very | gold | ring |
b'. | * | De ring | is/lijkt | gouden. |
the ring | is/seems | gold |
a. | De kom | is gemaakt | van hout. | |
the bowl | is made | of wood |
b. | De ring | is gemaakt | van goud. | |
the ring | is made | of gold |
The examples in (145a&b) alternate with the nominal constructions in the primeless examples in (147), in which the substance adjective is replaced by the PP van hout/goud'of wood/gold'. The primed examples in (147) show that if we replace the substance adjective in the ungrammatical predicative constructions in (145) by such a PP, the predicative construction becomes completely acceptable.
a. | de kom | van hout | |
the bowl | of wood |
a'. | De kom | is/lijkt | van hout. | |
the bowl | is/seems | of wood |
b. | de ring | van goud | |
the ring | of gold |
b'. | De ring | is/lijkt | van goud. | |
the ring | is/seems | of gold |
Kester (1993) claims that the acceptability of the predicative constructions in (147) indicates that the impossibility of the predicative constructions in (145) is not due to the fact that substance adjectives lack set-denoting properties. She suggests instead that the contrast between the primeless and the primed examples of (145) is due to the fact that, even from a synchronic point of view, the -en ending is not an adjectivizing affix but a non-nominative (probably genitive) case-marker (Te Winkel 1849); if so, we are not dealing with adjectives but with noun phrases, so the unacceptability of the primed examples in (145) could be made to follow from the fact that the predicatively used noun phrases must receive (abstract) nominative case in the copular construction (just as in, e.g., German).
Besides the systematic morphological classes discussed in the previous subsections, there are many less systematic cases of relational adjectives. Some examples are given in the primeless examples of (148). The fact that these adjectives are derived by means of non-Germanic suffixes (see the final column of Table 9 in Section 1.3.3, sub I) suggests that they are simply loanwords and not the result of a productive derivational process. The primeless examples in (149) show that the adjectives under discussion often belong to a certain technical jargon. Finally, the primed examples show that, like all relational adjectives, the adjectives in (148) and (149) cannot readily be used as the predicate in a copular construction
a. | een | culturele | bijeenkomst | |
a | cultural | meeting |
a'. | *? | De bijeenkomst | is cultureel. |
the meeting | is cultural |
b. | administratief | personeel | |
administrative | staff |
b'. | *? | Het personeel | is administratief. |
the staff | is administrative |
c. | diplomatieke | betrekking | |
diplomatic | position |
c'. | ?? | De betrekking | is diplomatiek. |
the position | is diplomatic |
a. | een | taalkundig | lexicon | |
a | linguistic | lexicon |
a'. | * | Het lexicon | lijkt | taalkundig. |
the lexicon | seems | linguistic |
b. | vrouwelijk | rijm | |
feminine | rhyme |
b'. | * | Het rijm | lijkt | vrouwelijk. |
the rhyme | seems | feminine |
c. | een | morfologisch | handboek | |
a | morphological | companion |
c'. | * | Het handboek | is | morfologisch. |
the companion | is | morphological |
Occasionally, however, non-technical adjectives such as those in (148) do occur in predicative position, which shows that they tend to shift their meaning towards the set-denoting adjectives. As is shown in (150a&b), the question as to whether predicative use of the adjective is possible sometimes depends on the nature of the subject of the clause. If predicative use of the adjective is possible, the adjective can often also be modified by means of an intensifier, or be prefixed with the negative prefix on-.
a. | Jan/*?Deze bijeenkomst | is (erg) | cultureel. | |
Jan/this meeting | is very | cultural |
b. | Deze maatregel/*medewerker | is | (puur) | administratief. | |
this measure/staff member | is | purely | administrative | ||
'The measure is for administrative reasons.' |
c. | Jan/Zijn antwoord | is (erg) | diplomatiek/ondiplomatiek. | |
Jan/his answer | is very | diplomatic/undiplomatic |
- 1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
- 1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
- 1997Algemene Nederlandse spraakkunstGroningenNijhoff
- 1992Relationeel adjectief-substantief-combinaties en concurrerende constructietypenSpektator21149-160
- 1993The case morphology of Dutch adjectivesEveraert, M., Schouten, B. & Zonneveld, W. (eds.)OTS Yearbook 1992UtrechtLEd
- 1849Bijdrage tot de kennis van de geslachten der zelfstandige naamwoordenMagazijn van de Nederlandse Taalkunde3177-185