As pointed out earlier, the regular passive has a number of typical
characteristics. One criterion is employed here to distinguish
between passives, pseudo-passives and non-passives, namely whether the
sentential subject assumes the role of
patient in relation to the main verb (which is
typically but not necessarily a past participle) (Type 1). If the
patient in relation to the main verb coincides with the
object rather than the subject of the sentence, the
construction will be considered a pseudo-passive (Type 2), and if the
agent in relation to the main verb coincides with the
grammatical subject of the sentence (as in active
sentences), the construction will not be considered a passive at all (Type 3).
See Table 1.
Table 1: Table 1
Type |
|
Example |
Type 1 |
Passive |
Subject is patient of main verb |
Type 2 |
Pseudo-passive |
Object is patient of main verb |
Type 3 |
No passive |
Subject is agent of main verb |
In (17) the sentential subject (die probleem
the problem) has a patient role in
relation to the main verb oplos
solve, as would be the case in the
regular passive. The construction with kom
come rather than the passive auxiliary
word
become, expresses
terminative rather than inchoative
or durative aspect In such cases the past participle
closely approaches adjectival status and may in fact be replaced by an
adjective.
Example 17
Die probleem moet dadelik opgelos
kom.
|
the problem must.AUX.MOD immediately solve.PST.PTCP come.INF |
The problem must get solved immediately. |
This construction is exemplified by the following:
Example 18
haar stem skor van wat nie gesê kom nie
|
her voice hoarse from what.REL not say.PST.PTCP come.PRS
PTCL.NEG
|
her voice hoarse from what cannot get said |
C. Maas: Koljander, 2013, 18 |
In example (19) the past participle geskryf
written
is readily replaceable by an adjective such as klaar
finished.
Example 19
die nuwe boek wat geskryf moet
kom |
the new book that.REL write.PST.PTCP must.AUX.MOD come.INF |
the new book that must get written |
A. Botes: Swart op wit, 2013, 9 |
In (20) die probleem, which is now the object of the sentence, has a patient role in
relation to the main verb oplos. With the infinitive hê, as in (21) to (23), agentivity is partly ascribed to the sentential
subject, as in active constructions, although external agentivity cannot be
excluded. Past participles combining with hê
to have
are usually terminative and replaceable by an adjective.
Example 20
Ons sal die probleem binnekort opgelos
hê.
|
we will.AUX.MOD the problem soon solve.PST.PTCP have.INF |
We will have the problem solved soon. |
Example 21
Jy wil jou brood aan albei kante gebotter
hê.
|
you.2SG want.AUX.MOD your bread on both sides butter.PST.PTCP
have.INF
|
You want your bread buttered on both sides. |
TK |
Example 22
die moontlike vrae ... wat Joubert
beantwoord wil hê |
the possible questions which.REL Joubert answer.PST.PTCP
want.to.AUX.MOD have.INF
|
the questions Joubert might want to have answered |
TK |
With hou
keep in (23) agentivity is restricted
to die olifante
the elephants, which is not the object
of the main verb, while with kry
get in (24) agentivity is expressed by
a deur adjunct, as in passives. (Kry constructions are described extensively by Molnárfi (1995) and (1997).
Example 23
En die olifante wat hom soms ure in 'n boom opgejaag
hou |
and the elephants which.REL him sometimes hours in a tree
up.chase.PST.PTCP keep.PRS
|
and the elephants chasing him which sometimes confine him to a tree for hours |
D. Matthee: Toorbos, 2003, 34 |
Example 24
die soort voorwaarde wat ons relatief maklik deur 'n
hof opsy geskuif kan
kry |
the kind.of condition which.REL we relative.ADV easily by a court
aside move.PST.PTCP can.AUX.MOD get.INF
|
the kind of condition which we can have a court set aside relatively easily |
TK |
In (25), the implied agent of the main verb adverteer
advertise is non-identical with the
sentential subject hy
he.
Example 25
en hy wil dit net nie geadverteer sien nie
|
and he want.to.AUX.MOD it only not advertise.PST.PTCP.ADJ see.INF
PTCL.NEG
|
and he only doesn't want to see it advertised |
C. Paul-Hughes: Leila, 2005, 25 |
In the examples with kry
get, kom
come, lê
lie and staan
stand from (26) to (31), the
sentential subject always has an agentive role in relation
to the main verb. Since this a typical characteristic of
active constructions, these examples cannot be
considered to be passives. Apart from kom, which expresses movement, past participles combining with verbs
such as kry, lê and staan are often terminative.
Example 26
Ons sal die probleem binnekort opgelos
kry.
|
we will.AUX.MOD the problem soon solve.PST.PTCP get.INF |
We will get the problem solved soon. |
Example 27
soos hy probeer het om gesluk te
kry |
as he try.PST.PTCP have.AUX for.COMP swallow.PST.PTCP PTCL.INF
get.INF
|
as he tried to succeed in swallowing |
M. van Niekerk & A. van Zyl: Memorandum, 2006, 71 |
Example 28
mistige weer ... wat van die see af aangesif
kom |
foggy weather that.REL from the sea off on.sift.PST.PTCP
come.PRS
|
foggy weather that comes sifting from the sea |
TK |
Example 29
En Kupido ... kom by die skerm
uitgebuk |
And.CNJ Kupido come.PRS at the shelter out.stoop.PST.PTCP |
And Kupido came stooping out of the shelter |
A.P. Brink: Bidsprinkaan, 2005, 67 |
Example 30
twee litte van 'n vinger lê aangerol teen
die witgeverfde vloerlys.
|
two joints of a finger lie.PRS on.roll.PST.PTCP against the
white.paint.PST.PTCP.ATTR skirting
|
two finger joints had rolled against the white-washed skirting |
D. Meyer: Kobra, 2013, 7 |
Example 31
In sy slaaphut staan Baas met sy kop teen sy
klererak geleun |
.
in his sleep.hut stand.PRS Baas with his head against
his clothes.rack lean.PST.PTCP
|
Baas stood in his sleeping hut with his head leaned against his clothes rack. |
P. Pieterse: Manaka, 2005, 128 |
In constructions with causativelaat
let, as in (32) and (33), the object
(or an implied object) of the sentence may also have a patient role in relation
to the main verb, just as in the case of (17) above. Although the main verb is
not a past participle, agentivity may be expressed by a deur adjunct, as in (32). In (33) the existence of an entity with a
patient role is implied by the locative hier
here.
Example 32
Ons sal die probleem deur haar laat oplos.
|
we will.AUX.MOD the problem by her let.LINK solve.INF |
We will let the problem be solved by her. |
Example 33
Mattie gaan hier moet laat stofsuig. |
Mattie go.AUX.MOD here must.AUX.MOD let.LINK vacuum.INF |
Mattie is going to have to let (someone) vacuum here. |
E.Venter: Wolf, wolf, 2013, 37 |
In (34a), the sentential subject, geen vervoer
no transport, has a patient role in
relation to an infinitival complement, here headed by the verb vind
find, and according to the criterion
adopted before, this construction should also be classified as a passive. In
comparison to a regular passive, such as (34b), it is, however, a semantically
and syntactically specialised construction, which includes the modal sense of
'capability'. The same parallel with 'capability' passives can be seen in (35)
and (36).
Example 34
a. |
Geen vervoer was daar te vinde
nie.
|
|
no transport was there PTCL.INF find.INF PTCL.NEG |
|
No transport was to be found there. |
b. |
Geen vervoer kon daar gevind word nie. |
|
no transport can.AUX.MOD.PRT there find.PST.PTCP be.AUX.PASS
PTCL.NEG
|
|
No transport could be found there. |