• Dutch
  • Frisian
  • Saterfrisian
  • Afrikaans
Show all Elative compounds

Elative compounds indicate a high degree of the property denoted by the head, for example doodkroank (very ill, deadly ill). The non-head elements are mostly, but not always, nominal or verbal. In many cases, these elements have lost their literal meaning completely, e.g. noagelnäi(lit. ‘nail-new’).

The elative compounds muuskenstil ‘very quiet’ and klitskewäit ‘soaking wet’ contain diminutives as first parts (cf. [1.2.8]).

böädeläärm (‘very poor’, lit. ‘beg-poor’), gäärsgräin (‘as green as grass’), doodkroank (‘very ill’, lit. ‘dead-ill’), faalduun (‘very drunk, lit. ‘fall-drunk’), gloudnäi, noagelnäi, spogel- hoagelnäi (‘brand new’, lit. ‘glow-, nail-, mirror- or hail-new’), klits(ke)wäit, mjukswäit, oaswäit (‘very wet’, lit. ‘shower-, manure-, scoop-wet’), knäppeltjuk (‘very drunk’, lit. ‘club-thick’), koakelbunt (‘multicoloured’), muuskenstil (‘very quiet’, lit. ‘little-mouse-quiet’), njugenklouk (‘very smart’, lit. ‘nine-smart’), pieper-juur (‘very expensibve’, lit. ‘pepper-expensive’), truchgoud (‘very good’, lit. ‘through-good’)

Some lexemes, like dood- (‘dead-‘), stok- (’stick-) and bloud- (‘blood’) are productive as intensifying parts in elative compounds.

bloudäärm (‘very poor’), bloudjung (‘very young’), doodeerdelk (‘very honest’), doodmäk (‘very meak’), stokbliend (‘completely blind’), steenoold (‘very old’), steenriek (‘very rich’), stokäärm (‘very poor’), stokbesepen (‘very drunk’)

Taboo-lexemes are rare as elative morphemes, but not inexistent. The element gods- (‘god-‘) , which is also found in godshillich (‘hypocrite’) seems to have a pejorative flavour, just like skiete- (‘shit-‘).

godstrurich (very miserable, lit. ‘god-miserable’), godserbarmelk (idem), skietewäit (soaking wet)

The intensifying morpheme is not necessarily homophonous to the corresponding lexical item, as it was already shown in the examples gods- and skiete-. The linking element -e- is also found in pikkeswot (‘pitch black’) and pikketjuusterch (‘pitch dark’), compare [] on linking elements . In some cases, the intensifying morpheme adopts the shape of a plural noun (e.g. muzedood, lit. ‘mice-dead’) or a diminutive (e.g. klitske-wäit, lit. ‘little-shower-wet’ and muuskenstil, lit. little-mouse-quiet’).

Present participles are also used as intensifying elements in compounds.

striekend ful (completely full, lit. ‘striking full’),

In some cases, the participial ending (-end) has been reduced to -en or -e, so that these former participles should be analysed synchronically as bound morphemes.

bäärstetjuk (‘very thick’, lit. ‘bursting thick’), proppenful (completely full, lit. ‘stuffing-full’), stikkensääd (‘completely satiated’, lit. ‘choking-satiated’), stikkefät (‘very fat’, lit. ‘choking-fat’, from stikkend fät)
    printreport errorcite