- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section briefly discusses the binding properties of the referential possessive pronouns. The binding behavior of these pronouns has received much less attention in the literature than that of the referential personal pronouns, which may be due to the fact that the distinction between referential and reflexive personal pronouns is not found with possessive pronouns: whereas the personal pronouns hem and zichzelf differ with respect to the domain in which they can be bound (cf. Section 5.2.1.5, sub III), zijn can be bound by all c-commanding antecedents.
As was illustrated in Section 5.2.2.1, sub IV, the possessive pronouns differ from the personal pronouns in allowing an antecedent in the same clause. This is shown again by means of the examples in (434): whereas the third person feminine possessive pronoun haar'her' in (434a) can be interpreted as coreferential with the subject of its minimal clause, this is impossible for the referential personal pronoun haar in (434b); in that example the intended coreferential reading can only be expressed by means of the reflexive personal pronoun zichzelf'herself'. In the examples below, coreference is indicated by italics.
a. | Marie | heeft | haar auto | verkocht. | |
Marie | has | her car | sold | ||
'Marie has sold her car.' |
b. | Marie | heeft | zichzelf/*haar | op televisie | gezien. | |
Marie | has | herself/her | on television | seen | ||
'Marie saw herself on television.' |
The referential possessive pronouns differ from the reflexive pronouns, however, in not requiring an antecedent in the same clause. This will become clear by comparing the two examples in (435).
a. | Marie | zegt | dat | Peter | haar auto | gekocht | heeft. | |
Marie | says | that | Peter | her car | bought | has | ||
'Marie says that Peter has sold her car.' |
b. | Marie | denkt | dat | ik | haar/*zichzelf | op televisie | gezien | heb. | |
Marie | thinks | that | I | her/herself | on television | seen | have | ||
'Marie thinks that I saw her on television.' |
In fact, the examples in (436) show that the referential possessive, like the personal pronoun, need not have an antecedent within the sentence at all, but can also be used anaphorically, in which case it refers to some active topic in the discourse, or deictically, in which case the referent of the pronoun is present in the situation in which the sentence is uttered.
a. | Heb | je | haar boek | meegenomen? | Anaphoric: disourse topic | |
have | you | her book | prt.-taken | |||
'Did you bring her book?' |
b. | Het | is | allemaal | haar | schuld. | Deictic: speaker pointing at someone | |
it | is | all | her | fault |
The binding properties of the third person pronouns do not change if we substitute the weak form for the strong form: the pronoun can then still be bound in its minimal clause, as in (434a), or remain free in it, as in (435a) and (436a). This is different, however, with the strong and weak form of the plural second person possessive pronoun, jullie and je, which do have different binding properties. The weak form is special in that it can only be used if an antecedent can be found in its minimal clause, as in (437a); if the personal and possessive pronoun are adjacent, as in (437b), the use of the weak form is even strongly preferred, which may be due to the fact that this avoids the repetition of two homophonous words.
a. | Peter zegt | dat | jullie | volgende week | je/jullie auto | verkopen. | |
Peter says | that | youpl | next week | yourpl car | sell | ||
'Peter says that you will sell your car next week.' |
b. | Peter zegt | dat | jullie | je/??jullie auto | verkopen. | |
Peter says | that | youpl | yourpl car | sell | ||
'Peter says that youʼll sell your car.' |
However, if the pronoun does not have an antecedent in its minimal clause, that is, if the antecedent is in a matrix clause or not expressed within the sentence, as in (438), the use of the weak plural pronoun je gives rise to severely degraded results. Since, to our knowledge, this has not yet been extensively discussed in the literature, we will not digress on this issue any further.
a. | Jullie | vertelden | me | gisteren | dat | Peter jullie/*?je | auto | wil | kopen. | |
youpl | told | me | yesterday | that | Peter yourpl | car | want | buy | ||
'Youpl told me yesterday that Peter wants to buy yourpl car.' |
b. | Peter wil | jullie/*?je | auto | kopen. | |
Peter wants | yourpl | car | buy | ||
'Peter wants to buy yourpl car.' |
Just like third person personal pronouns, third person possessive pronouns have special properties with regard to their antecedent. We start with a discussion of zijn'his', which can take the indefinite/generic pronoun men'one' as its antecedent. This is followed by a discussion of third person possessive pronouns that take a quantified or generic antecedent. We will show that the behavior of these third person possessive pronouns is essentially identical to that of the reflexive personal pronoun zichzelf'himself' if the antecedent is in the same clause, and to that of the personal pronoun hem'him' in the remaining cases.
Example (439a) shows that the singular third person possessive pronoun zijn/zʼn'his' can take the indefinite/generic personal pronoun men'one' as its antecedent. This requires, however, that the antecedent of the possessive pronoun be in the same clause; if it is more deeply embedded, as in (439b), the possessive pronoun can only refer to a contextually determined referent. Note that the translation in (439b) is the intended interpretation, and not the actual one with zijn referring to some contextually determined person.
a. | Men | moet zijn ouders | eren. | |
one | must his parents | honor | ||
'One has to honor his parents.' |
b. | * | Men | is hier | zeer gastvrij, | zodat | je | altijd | in zijn huis | kan | slapen. |
one | is here | very hospitable | so that | you | always | in his house | can | sleep | ||
'People are very hospitable here, so that you can always sleep in their house.' |
We can observe that the possessive pronouns behave in a way similar to the reflexive and personal pronouns in this respect. The reflexive pronoun zich(zelf) in (440a) must have an antecedent in its own clause, and men is possible as an antecedent. The personal pronoun hij'he' in (440b), on the other hand, cannot take an antecedent in its own clause, and men is not possible as an antecedent; (440b) is only acceptable if hij'he' refers to a contextually determined referent. The translation in (440b) is the intended interpretation, and not the actual one with hij referring to some contextually determined person.
a. | Men | moet | zich(zelf) | goed | verzorgen. | |
one | must | himself | well | look after | ||
'One must look well after oneself.' |
b. | * | Men | is hier | zeer gastvrij, | zodat | hij | je | graag | zal | ontvangen. |
one | is here | very hospitable | so that | he | you | gladly | will | receive | ||
'People are very hospitable here, so that they will gladly receive you.' |
The examples in (441) show that if the antecedent of the personal pronoun is quantified, a third person referential possessive pronoun is used. In what follows we will focus on the cases with a universally quantified antecedent.
a. | Er | is iemand | met zijn huiswerk | bezig. | |
there | is someone | with his homework | busy | ||
'There is someone working on his homework.' |
b. | Iedereen/Iedere leerling | is met zijn huiswerk | bezig. | |
everyone/every pupil | is with his homework | busy | ||
'Everyone/Every pupil is working on his homework.' |
If the antecedent is universally quantified, the number of the possessive pronoun depends on the syntactic relation between the pronoun and its antecedent. If the antecedent is the subject of the clause, and the possessive pronoun is part of a noun phrase in the same clause, as in (442a), the possessive pronoun is singular. The same thing holds if the noun phrase containing the possessive pronoun is more deeply embedded, as in (442b). However, if the antecedent and the possessive pronoun are not part of the same sentence, as in (442c), the plural pronoun must be used. The examples contain the universally quantified personal pronoun iedereen, but the same results arise if a universally quantified noun phrase like iedere leerling'every pupil' is used.
a. | Iedereen | moet | zijn/*hun huiswerk | maken. | |
everyone | must | his/their homework | make | ||
'Everyone has to do his homework.' |
b. | Iedereen | denkt | dat | zijn/*hun leraar | te veel huiswerk | geeft. | |
everyone | thinks | that | his/their teacher | too much homework | gives | ||
'Everyone thinks that his teacher gives too much homework.' |
c. | Iedereen | had een huisdier | mee | naar school | genomen. | Hun/*Zijn leraar | vertelde | iets | over elk dier. | |
everyone | had a pet | prt. | to school | taken | their/his teacher | told | something | about each animal | ||
'Every pupil brought a pet to school.' | ||||||||||
'Their/His teacher told something about each animal.' |
The examples in (442) show that singular agreement requires that the pronoun be bound, hence c-commanded, by the quantified antecedent. This conclusion is supported by the fact that the examples in (442a&b) receive the so-called bound variable reading, in which the possessive pronoun acts as a variable bound by the universal operator expressed by the quantifier; example (442a), for example, has the interpretation that for each person x in domain D, it holds that x must do xʼs homework. In (442c), on the other hand, the personal pronoun refers to the relevant entities as a group. In Section 5.2.1.1, sub IIC, we saw that similar observations could be made with the personal pronouns. We illustrate this here again by means of the examples in (443); since referential personal pronouns cannot have an antecedent in their own clause, we have used the reflexive pronoun zichzelf in (443a).
a. | Iedereen | moet | zichzelf | voorstellen. | |
everyone | must | himself | introduce | ||
'Everyone must introduce himself.' |
b. | Iedereen | denkt | dat | hij | te veel huiswerk | heeft. | |
everyone | thinks | that | he | too much homework | has | ||
'Everyone thinks that he has too much homework.' |
c. | Iedereen | had een huisdier | mee | naar school | genomen. | Zij lieten/*Hij liet | het | allemaal | aan de leraar | zien. | |
everyone | had a pet | prt. | to school | taken | they let/he let | it | all | to the teacher | see | ||
'Everyone brought a pet to school.' | |||||||||||
'They all showed it to the teacher.' |
Since generically used noun phrases also express a kind of universal quantification (cf. Section 5.1.1.5), we might expect that the number features of personal pronouns referring to such noun phrases also depend on the syntactic context. This expectation is, however, not borne out. The number of the possessive pronoun is fully determined by the syntactic number of the generic noun phrase.
a. | Een leeuw | jaagt | ʼs nachts | op zijn prooi. | |
a lion | hunts | at night | at his prey |
b. | Leeuwen | jagen | ʼs nachts | op hun prooi. | |
lions | hunt | at night | at their prey |
c. | De leeuw | jaagt | ʼs nachts | op zijn prooi. | |
the lion | hunts | at night | at its prey |
a. | Een leeuw | is een vervaarlijk jager. | Zijn prooi | is machteloos tegen zijn klauwen. | |
a lion | is a frightful hunter | his prey | is defenseless against his claws |
b. | Leeuwen | zijn vervaarlijke jagers. | Hun prooi is machteloos tegen hun klauwen. | |
lions | are frightful hunters | their prey is defenseless against their claws |
c. | De leeuw | is een vervaarlijk jager. | Zijn prooi | is machteloos tegen zijn klauwen. | |
the lion | is a frightful hunter | his prey | is defenseless against his claws |
The examples in (446) show that the personal pronouns behave in a similar way.
a. | Een leeuw | is een vervaarlijk jager. | Hij ligt in een hinderlaag en ... | |
a lion | is a frightful hunter | he lies in an ambush and |
b. | Leeuwen | zijn | vervaarlijke jagers. | Zij liggen in een hinderlaag en ... | |
lions | are | frightful hunters | they lie in an ambush and |
c. | De leeuw | is een vervaarlijk jager. | Hij ligt in een hinderlaag en ... | |
the lion | is a frightful hunter | he lies in an ambush and |
In some cases, bound possessive pronouns can be modified by the element eigen. Consider the examples in (447): the addition of eigen to the bound pronoun zijn leads to a weird result in (447a&b), whereas the addition is fully acceptable in (447c). This seems to be related to the interpretation of these examples when eigen is absent: examples (447a&b) without eigen must be construed with the noun phrase acting as the possessor of the body parts mentioned in the PPs, whereas (447b) is ambiguous between this reading and a reading in which it is a body part of some other person. Unstressed eigen can be used to disambiguate the latter example.
a. | Marie trok | Jan een haar | uit | zijn | (*eigen) | baard. | |
Marie pulled | Jan a hair | out.of | his | own | beard |
b. | Jan klapte | enthousiast | in zijn (*eigen) handen. | |
Jan clapped | enthusiastically | in her own hands |
b. | Jan | deed | zalf | op zijn (eigen) neus. | |
Jan | put | ointment | on his own nose |
Nevertheless, it seems impossible to fully account for the insertion of eigen by appealing to the desire to avoid ambiguity; the examples in (448) are both unambiguous without eigen, but still a contrast similar to that found in (447) can be observed. Perhaps the difference is related to the fact that the PP in (448a) can be left implicit, whereas the one in (448b) cannot.
a. | Ik | klapte | enthousiast | in mijn (*eigen) handen. | |
I | clapped | enthusiastically | in my own hands |
b. | Ik | deed | zalf | op mijn (eigen) neus. | |
I | put | ointment | on my own nose |
Occasionally, eigen can even be used to make a reading available that is not available without it. In example (449a), for example, the possessive pronoun is normally interpreted not as referring to the subject of the clause, but to some other person in domain D. The addition of unstressed eigen blocks this reading in favor of a reading in which the subject of the clause does act as the antecedent of the possessive pronoun.
a. | Jani | is zijnj/*i | arts. | |
Jan | is his | physician |
b. | Jani | is zijni/*j | eigen arts. | |
Jan | is his | own physician |