- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section discusses two types of right dislocation (henceforth: RD), which are illustrated in example (93). Semantically, RD is characterized by the fact that the dislocated phrase adds more specific information to what is said in the preceding clause: in (93), the right-dislocated phrases provide more information about the function of Mr Jansen: he is a manager in some presupposed organization. The two types of RD differ in that afterthoughts provide additional information that is new for the hearer while backgrounded phrases provide information already familiar to the hearer but which may help him to identify the intended reference; cf. Ott & De Vries (2015). Furthermore, afterthoughts but not backgrounded phrases can often be preceded by a special marker such as je weet wel'you probably know who': Ik heb dhr. Jansen gesproken, je weet wel, de directeur.
a. | Ik | heb | dhr. Jànsen | gesproken, | de directeur. | afterthought RD | |
I | have | Mr Jansen | spoken | the manager | |||
'I have spoken to Mr Jansen, the manager.' |
b. | Ik | heb | dhr. Jansen | gespròken, | de directeur. | backgrounding RD | |
I | have | Mr Jansen | spoken | the manager | |||
'I have spoken Mr Jansen, the manager.' |
Speakers’ judgments seem to differ with respect to the question as to whether the clause-internal correlate of an afterthought can be a weak proform. For some speakers (including the second author of this work) substituting the direct object in the afterthought construction (93a) results in a degraded result, while it is easily possible in the backgrounding construction in (93b). In the remainder of this work we will follow the more permissive variety, according to which examples in (94) are both fully acceptable. We leave it to future research to investigate the differences in speakers’ judgment in more detail.
a. | % | Ik | heb | ʼm | gespròken, | de directeur. | afterthought RD |
I | have | him | spoken | the manager | |||
'I have spoken him, the manager.' |
b. | Ik | heb | ʼm | gespròken, | de directeur. | backgrounding RD | |
I | have | him | spoken | the manager | |||
'I have spoken him, the manager.' |
Phonetically, RD constructions are characterized by the fact that the right-dislocated phrase cannot receive sentence accent (indicated by a grave accent in the examples above); this accent is always located on some element in the preceding clause. That sentence accent cannot be placed on the right-dislocated phrase is related to the fact that the latter can be preceded by an intonation break: in the case of afterthoughts this break is normally distinctly present while, at least in casual speech, it is often less prominent in the case of backgrounding. The two types of RD also differ in that afterthoughts are assigned contrastive accent (indicated by small caps), while backgrounded phrases are normally pronounced with a flat intonation contour (that is, without a prominent accent).
This section is organized as follows. Subsection I starts by showing that RD resembles left dislocation (LD) in various respects. Subsection II continues by briefly reviewing a number of differences between RD and extraposition; this partly repeats information which was discussed in more detail in Chapter 12, to which we refer the reader for more information. Subsection III discusses a number of restrictions on right-dislocated phrases and their clause-internal correlate (if present). Subsection IV continues by discussing a number of differences between afterthought RD and backgrounding RD; we will see that these can be traced back to the fact that afterthoughts provide discourse-new while backgrounded phrases provide discourse-old information. Subsection V shows that RD resembles hanging-topic LD in that it is not sensitive to various islands for wh-extraction and Subsection VI discusses a number of word order issues related to RD. Subsection VII, finally, discusses some possible theoretical approaches to RD.
- I. A brief comparison between left and right dislocation
- II. Right dislocation versus extraposition
- III. Restrictions on right-dislocated phrases and their clause-internal correlates
- IV. Differences between afterthoughts and backgrounded phrases
- V. Island-sensitivity
- VI. Word order restrictions
- VII. Analyses of RD
The two types of RD constructions, illustrated again in the (a)-examples in (95), resemble in various respects the two types of LD constructions discussed in Section 14.2, which are illustrated in the (b)-examples.
a. | Ik | heb | hem gespròken, | de directeur. | afterthought RD | |
I | have | him spoken | the manager | |||
'I spoke to him, the manager.' |
a'. | Ik | heb | hem gespròken, | de directeur. | backgrounding RD | |
I | have | him spoken | the manager | |||
'I spoke to him, the manager.' |
b. | De directeur, | die | heb | ik | gesproken. | contrastive LD | |
the manager | dem | have | I | spoken | |||
'The manager, I have spoken to him.' |
b'. | De directeur, | ik | heb | hem | gesproken. | hanging-topic LD | |
the manager | I | have | him | spoken | |||
'The manager, I have spoken to him.' |
First, all four types of dislocated phrases in (95) seem to be clause-external, as all of them have a clause-internal pronominal associate, namely the pronouns hem'him' and die'that'. The fact that the thematic role of the verb is assigned to the pronoun suggests that the dislocated phrases are not licensed within the clause but in some other way. That the dislocated phrases are not part of the clause is also supported by the fact that (like parentheticals) they are separated from the intonation contour of the clause, which, at least in the case of afterthoughts and contrastive left-dislocated phrases, goes hand-in-hand with a distinct intonation break. More reasons for assuming that dislocated phrases are clause-external are that left-dislocated phrases precede the sentence-initial position and that right-dislocated phrases cannot be assigned sentence accent, which is again indicated by a grave accent in the (a)-examples.
Secondly, all four types of dislocated phrases provide more specific information than their clause-internal associate: in (95), they all provide information about the function of the person referred to by the pronoun.
Thirdly, LD and RD both come in two types: one type in which the dislocated phrase is typically accented and one in which the dislocated phrase is normally pronounced with a flat intonation contour. It should be noted, however, that contrastive LD and afterthought RD differ in that the former invites a set of alternative propositions, while the latter simply provides discourse-new information. This can be brought to light by the examples in (96): while (96a) is fully compatible with a contrastive maar-phrase, the use of a contrastive maar-phrase gives rise to a somewhat marked result in (96b). Note in passing that this example becomes acceptable if the weak referential pronoun is replaced by a contrastively stressed pronoun, but in that case the contrastive phrase is licensed by the pronoun and not by the afterthought.
a. | Jan, | die | heb | ik | niet | gezien | (maar | Marie | wel). | contrastive LD | |
Jan | dem | have | I | not | seen | but | Marie | aff | |||
'Jan, I havenʼt seen him, but I did see Marie.' |
b. | Ik | heb | ʼm | niet | gezien, | Jan, | (??maar | Marie | wel). | afterthought RD | |
I | have | him | not | seen | Jan | but | Marie | aff | |||
'I havenʼt seen him, Jan.' |
Finally, example (97a) shows that right-dislocated phrases may provide information that may help the speaker to identify the intended reference of the clause-internal nominal correlate, but example (97b) shows that the right-dislocated phrase may also be an epithet. If the nominal correlate is predicative, as in (97c), the right-dislocated phrase provides a more precise qualification.
a. | dat | hij | te laat | kwam, | mijn broer. | |
that | he | too late | came | my brother | ||
'that he arrived too late, my brother.' |
b. | dat | Peter | te laat | kwam, | de sukkel. | |
that | Peter | too late | came | the twerp | ||
'that Peter came too late, the twerp.' |
c. | dat | Jan een groot kunstenaar is, | de beste schilder die ik ken. | |
that | Jan a great artist is | the best painter that I know | ||
'that Jan is a great artist, the best painter I know.' |
The fact that left-dislocated phrases do not seem to have such “modifying” function is the principal reason why we will use different notions for the relation between the left and right-dislocated phrases and their clause-internal associate: resumption versus correlation. Left-dislocated phrases provide information that is simply taken up again by their clause-internal associate, while right-dislocated phrases provide more specific information than their clause-internal associate (or about it).
Right-dislocated and extraposed phrases both follow the verbs in clause-final position; consequently, it may sometimes be difficult to distinguish the two cases. In the case of nominal arguments, confusion will not easily arise because extraposition of such arguments is normally not possible. One example is given in (98); for more examples, see Section 12.2, sub I.
Ik | heb | <de directeur > | gesproken <*de directeur >. | extraposition | ||
I | have | the manager | spoken | |||
'I have spoken to the manager.' |
Furthermore, nominal arguments are generally obligatorily present, as a result of which right-dislocated nominal phrases will typically have an overt clause-internal correlate, as in (93) and the (a)-examples in (95). That means that right-dislocated nominal phrases without a correlate are only expected in the case of pseudo-intransitive verbs and (optional) indirect objects. Example (99) shows that the former case indeed occurs, but only if the right-dislocated phrase functions as an afterthought, that is, if it is accented and provides new information.
Jan heeft | altijd | graag | gerookt, | sigaren/*sigaren. | RD | ||
Jan has | always | gladly | smoked | cigars/cigars | |||
'Jan has always liked to smoke, cigars.' |
That we are dealing with a right-dislocated phrase in (99) is immediately clear from its position after the clause-final verb gerookt'smoked'. However, if no clause-final verb is present, as in the examples in (100), confusion could arise with cases in which the object occupies its regular position in the middle field of the clause, but the intonation pattern normally provides sufficient information to distinguish the two: the direct object in (100a) is integrated in the intonation contour of the clause and can carry sentence accent; the afterthought in (100b) is preceded by an intonation break and assigned contrastive accent while the sentence accent is assigned to some other element in the preceding clause.
a. | Jan rookt | graag | (*vooral) | sigàren. | object occupies the middle field | |
Jan smokes | gladly | especially | cigars | |||
'Jan likes to smoke cigars.' |
b. | Jan ròòkt | graag, | (vooral) | sigaren. | RD | |
Jan smokes | gladly | especially | cigars | |||
'Jan likes to smoke, (especially) cigars.' |
The distribution of the focus particle vooral'especially' can also be used as a test for recognizing RD in examples such as (100). The examples in (101) show that afterthoughts can easily be preceded by this element if the clause-internal correlate is indefinite or not present.
a. | Jan heeft | veel boeken gekocht, | vooral romans. | |
Jan has | many books bought | especially novels | ||
'Jan has bought many books, especially novels.' |
b. | Jan heeft | altijd | graag | gerookt, | vooral sigaren. | ||
Jan has | always | gladly | smoked | especially cigars | |||
'Jan has always liked to smoke, especially cigars.' |
Clause-internal phrases, on the other hand, can only be preceded by a focus particle if they are scrambled into a designated focus position, which precedes manner adverbs such as graag'gladly'; cf. (102). The fact that vooral can immediately precede the direct object sigaren in (100b) but not in (100a) therefore supports the proposed analysis.
a. | dat | Jan | <vooral romans> | graag <*vooral romans> | leest. | |
that | Jan | especially novels | gladly | reads | ||
'that Jan especially likes to read novels.' |
b. | dat | Jan <vooral sigaren> | graag <*vooral sigaren> | rookt. | |
that | Jan especially cigars | gladly | smokes | ||
'that Jan especially likes to smoke cigars.' |
The second case in which a right-dislocated nominal phrase may be expected to occur without an overt correlate pertains to ditransitive constructions without an (overt) indirect object, but it seems that such cases do not occur. Example (103b) shows that they are degraded regardless of whether the right-dislocated phrase expresses new or old information; this may be due to the fact that the alternative with a prepositional indirect object in (103b') is preferred.
a. | dat | Jan | (zijn vrouw) | graag | bloemen | geeft. | |
that | Jan | his wife | gladly | flowers | gives | ||
'that Jan likes to give (his wife) flowers.' |
b. | dat | Jan graag | bloemen | geeft, | (vooral) | zijn ??vrouw/*vrouw. | RD | |
that | Jan gladly | flowers | gives | especially | his wife/wife |
b'. | dat | Jan graag | bloemen | geeft, | (vooral) | aan zijn vrouw. | RD | |
that | Jan gladly | flowers | gives | especially | to his wife | |||
'Jan likes to give flowers, especially to his wife.' |
Because prepositional indirect objects can be extraposed, confusion between extraposition and RD may arise in such cases, but again the intonation contour will generally provide sufficient information to identify the two cases (cf. Ott & De Vries 2015): the extraposed prepositional indirect object in (104a) is integrated in the intonation contour of the clause and can even carry sentence accent; the afterthought in (104b) is separated from the preceding clause by a distinct intonation break and is assigned contrastive accent. The two cases again differ in that only the latter can be preceded by the marker vooral.
a. | dat | Jan graag | bloemen | geeft | (*vooral) | aan zijn vròuw. | extraposition | |
that | Jan gladly | flowers | gives | especially | to his wife | |||
'Jan likes to give flowers to his wife.' |
b. | dat | Jan graag | blòemen | geeft, | (vooral) | aan zijn vrouw. | RD | |
that | Jan gladly | flowers | gives | especially | to his wife | |||
'Jan likes to give flowers, especially to his wife.' |
Prepositional objects that are obligatorily realized will not pose any problems either. The examples in (105) show that in such cases right-dislocated PPs typically have an overt clause-internal correlate, while extraposed PPs cannot be combined with such correlates. Observe that in the case of prepositional objects, the right-dislocated phrase need not be an afterthought but can also be backgrounded.
a. | dat | Jan | (*ernaar) | verlangt | naar vakantie. | extraposition | |
that | Jan | for.it | longs | for vacation | |||
'that Jan is longing for a vacation.' |
b. | dat | Jan | *(ernaar) | verlangt, | naar vakantie/vakantie. | RD | |
that | Jan | for.it | longs | for vacation/vacation | |||
'that Jan is longing for.it, for a vacation.' |
If the prepositional object is optional, as in the case of wachten (op)'to wait for', similar problems may arise as with pseudo-intransitive verbs in that we mainly have to rely on the intonation pattern of the construction if the correlate of the right-dislocated PP is not overtly expressed.
a. | dat | Jan | al | weken | (*erop) | wacht | op zijn bòeken. | extraposition | |
that | Jan | already | weeks | for.it | waits | for his books | |||
'that Jan is already waiting for weeks for his books.' |
b. | dat | Jan | al | weken | (erop) | wacht, | op zijn boeken/boeken. | RD | |
that | Jan | already | weeks | for.it | waits | for his books/books | |||
'that Jan has already been waiting for weeks, for his books.' |
Fortunately, there is an additional syntactic test that may help us distinguish extraposition from RD, namely VP-topicalization. While extraposed phrases can be pied piped under VP-topicalization, right-dislocated phrases are generally stranded.
a. | [VP | Wachten op zijn boeken] | doet | hij | al | weken. | extraposition | |
[VP | wait for his books | does | he | already | weeks |
b. | [VP | Wachten] | doet | hij | al | weken, | op zijn boeken/boeken. | RD | |
[VP | wait | does | he | already | weeks | for his books/books |
b'. | * | [VP | Wachten, | op zijn boeken/boeken] | doet | hij | al | weken. | RD |
* | *[VP | wait | for his books | does | he | already | weeks |
Adverbial PPs pose similar problems as optional prepositional objects because they are normally optional, as shown for a comitative met-PP in (108a) and a locative PP in (109a). Consequently, right-dislocated adverbial PPs without a correlate in the preceding clause could in principle be confused with their extraposed counterparts, but the (b)- and (c)-examples show that the two diagnostics used above, intonation and VP-topicalization, may help us make the correct distinction.
a. | dat | Jan graag | (met Peter) | schaakt. | |
that | Jan gladly | with Peter | plays.chess | ||
'that Jan likes to play chess (with Peter).' |
b. | dat Jan | graag | (*met hem) | schaakt | met Peter. | extraposition | |
that Jan | gladly | with him | plays.chess | with Peter |
b'. | [VP | Schaken | met Peter] | doet | Jan | graag. | |
[VP | play.chess | with Peter | does | Jan | gladly |
c. | dat | Jan graag | (met hem) | schaakt, | met Peter/Peter. | RD | |
that | Jan gladly | with him | plays.chess | with Peter/Peter |
c'. | [VP | Schaken] | doet | Jan graag, | met Peter/Peter. | |
[VP | play.chess | does | Jan gladly | with Peter/Peter |
c''. | * | [VP | Schaken, | met Peter/Peter] | doet | Jan graag. |
* | *[VP | play.chess | with Peter/Peter | does | Jan gladly |
a. | dat | Jan graag | (op zijn club) | schaakt. | |
that | Jan gladly | at his club | plays.chess | ||
'That Jan likes to play chess (at his club).' |
b. | dat Jan | (*daar) | graag | schaakt | op zijn club. | extraposition | |
that Jan | there | gladly | plays.chess | at his club |
b'. | [VP | Schaken | op zijn club] | doet | Jan | graag. | |
[VP | play.chess | at his club | does | Jan | gladly |
c. | dat | Jan | (daar) | graag | schaakt, | op zijn club/club. | RD | |
that | Jan | there | gladly | plays.chess | at his club/club |
c'. | [VP | Schaken] | doet | Jan graag, | op zijn club/club. | |
[VP | play.chess | does | Jan gladly | at his club/club |
c''. | * | [VP | Schaken, | op zijn club/club] | doet | Jan graag. |
* | *[VP | play.chess | at his club/club | does | Jan gladly |
Some clausal constituents such as supplementives cannot be extraposed while they can be right-dislocated. This can also be brought to light more clearly by means of VP-topicalization as they cannot be pied-piped if they are in postverbal position.
a. | Jan is daarnet | <kwaad> | weggelopen <*kwaad>. | no extraposition | |
Jan is just.now | angry | away-walked | |||
'Jan walked away angry just now.' |
a'. | [VP | <kwaad> | weggelopen <*kwaad>] | is Jan daarnet. | |
[VP | angry | away-walked | is Jan just.now |
b. | Jan is daarnet | weggelopen, | kwaad. | RD | |
Jan is just.now | away-walked | angry | |||
'Jan walked away angry just now.' |
b'. | [VP | Weggelopen] | is Jan daarnet, | kwaad. | |
[VP | away-walked | is Jan just.now | angry |
b''. | * | [VP | Weggelopen, | kwaad] | is Jan daarnet. |
* | *[VP | away-walked | angry | is Jan just.now |
The same pattern can be seen in various types of (especially non-prepositional) adverbial phrases headed by a manner adverb such as zorgvuldig'carefully', a temporal adverb such as morgen'tomorrow', or a modal adverb such as misschien'maybe'. It can again be brought to light by means of VP-topicalization as these modifiers must be stranded, as illustrated in (111) for the manner adverb zorgvuldig'carefully'.
a. | Jan heeft | het boek | <zorgvuldig> | gelezen <*zorgvuldig>. | no extraposition | |
Jan has | the book | carefully | read | |||
'Jan has read the book carefully.' |
a'. | [VP | zorgvuldig | gelezen] | heeft | Jan het boek. | |
[VP | carefully | read | has | Jan the book |
b. | Jan heeft | het boek | gelezen*(,) | zorgvuldig. | RD | |
Jan has | the book | read | carefully |
b'. | [VP | gelezen] | heeft | Jan het boek, | zorgvuldig. | |
[VP | read | has | Jan the book | carefully |
b''. | * | [VP | gelezen, | zorgvuldig] | heeft | Jan het boek. |
* | *[VP | read | carefully | has | Jan the book |
Because the two diagnostics have been more systematically applied to a wider range of constructions in our discussion of extraposition, we will not digress on this issue any further here but refer the reader to Chapter 12 for more discussion.
Backgrounded phrases resemble hanging topics in that they are pronounced with a flat intonation contour, but the examples in (112) show that they are more flexible with respect to their categorial status; while hanging topics are typically nominal in nature, backgrounded phrases can be nominal, clausal, adjectival, or adpositional. The examples in (112) also show that the clause-internal correlate of the backgrounded phrase may perform various syntactic functions: it can be an argument, as in the (a)-examples, a complementive (112b), or an adverbial phrase (112c). The correlate is typically a phonetically light element, like the pronouns ʼm'him' and het'it' or the R-word er'there', although the phonetically heavier demonstrative forms like die/dat'that' and daar'there' are occasionally found as well.
a. | Ik | heb | ʼm | niet | meer | gezien, | Peter. | noun phrase | |
I | have | him | not | anymore | seen | Peter | |||
'I havenʼt seen him anymore, Peter.' |
a'. | Hij | heeft | ʼt | me gisteren | verteld, | dat hij vertrekt. | clause | |
he | has | it | me yesterday | told | that he leaves | |||
'He told it to me yesterday, that he is leaving.' |
b. | Ik | ben | ʼt | mijn hele leven | geweest, | gelukkig. | AP | |
I | am | it | my whole life | been | happy | |||
'I have been it my whole life, happy.' |
c. | Ik | ben | er | gisteren | nog | geweest, | in Utrecht. | PP | |
I | am | there | yesterday | prt | been | in Utrecht | |||
'I was there yesterday, in Utrecht.' |
Judgments on the examples in (112) do not seem to change if we assign contrastive accent to the right-dislocated phrase, that is, afterthoughts have the same properties as backgrounded phrases, but the correlate can more easily be heavy or phrasal. This is illustrated in (113).
a. | Ik | heb | die jongen | niet | meer | gezien, | Peter. | noun phrase | |
I | have | that boy | not | anymore | seen | Peter | |||
'I havenʼt seen that boy anymore, Peter.' |
a'. | Hij | heeft | me dat | gisteren | verteld, | dat hij vertrekt. | clause | |
he | has | me that | yesterday | told | that he leaves | |||
'He told me that yesterday, that he is leaving.' |
b. | Ik | ben | dat | eigenlijk | mijn hele leven | geweest, | gelukkig. | AP | |
I | am | it | in.fact | my whole life | been | happy | |||
'I have in fact been that my whole life, happy.' |
c. | Ik | ben | daar | gisteren | nog | geweest, | in Utrecht. | PP | |
I | have | there | yesterday | prt | been | in Utrecht | |||
'I have been there yesterday, in Utrecht.' |
Right-dislocated phrases add to the information expressed by their correlates: (114a) presupposes that the hearer does not know that Mr Jansen is the manager, and (114b) suggests that the hearer may confuse the intended referent with someone who is not the manager. The right-dislocated phrase and its correlate can be interchanged but then it is presupposed that the hearer does not know the name of the manager or may confuse the intended referent with someone who is not called Jansen.