- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section continues our discussion of possessive pronouns with a discussion of some special cases. Subsection I starts with the discussion of the use of the weak pronouns in semi-genitival constructions such as Jan zʼn boek'Janʼs book'. This is followed in Subsection II by a discussion of nominalized possessive pronouns in phrases like de mijne'mine'. Subsection III, finally, illustrates the use of possessive pronouns in more or less fixed expressions and idioms.
Section 5.2.1.1, sub I, has shown that the referential possessive pronouns have a strong and a weak form. Normally, these pronouns are used to refer to some discourse entity, but this subsection will show that the weak forms can also be used as a functional element (syntactic connective) if the possessor is expressed by means of a proper noun or a complex noun phrase.
The primeless examples in (450) show that if a prenominal possessor is a proper noun or a complex noun phrase, it may be inflected with an -s ending, which is historically related to but not identical to the medieval genitive marker; cf. Booij (2010: Section 9.2). Although this is the norm in written language, it is not always the preferred option in speech. If the possessor is a proper noun or a singular noun phrase, the possessive relation is rather expressed by means of a weak possessive pronoun that agrees in gender and number with the possessive noun phrase, as in (450a'&b'). The judgments on the (c)-examples suggest that the genitive form is normal if the possessor is plural, which may be related to the fact that the possessive pronoun hun does not have a weak form; the use of % signals that speakers have different judgments on examples such as (450c'), varying from marked to fully acceptable.
a. | Jans | boek | |
Janʼs | book |
a'. | Jan | zʼn | boek | |
Jan | his | book |
b. | Maries | boek | |
Marieʼs | book |
b'. | Marie | dʼr boek | |
Marie | her book |
c. | mijn ouders’ | boek | |
my parentsʼ | book |
c'. | % | mijn ouders | hun | boek |
my parents | their | book |
Since the proper noun or complex noun phrase in the primed examples in (450) is a referring expression, the possessive pronouns have a function similar to that of the -s ending in the primeless examples, so that it can be said that they are not referential but purely functional: given their resemblance to the genitival constructions in the primeless examples, the primed examples will be referred to as the semi-genitival construction.
A complication concerning examples with plural possessors is that the acceptability of (450c) with the inflected plural noun phrase mijn ouders may be the exception rather than the rule. This is clear from the fact that, in speech, the homophonous examples mijn zusters/broers boeken in (451) can only have the singular interpretation of the primeless examples, not the plural interpretation of the primed example; in writing, the two readings can be distinguished by using an apostrophe following the possessor.
a. | mijn zusters | boek | |
my sisterʼs | book |
a'. | mijn zusters’ | boek | |
my sistersʼ | book |
b. | mijn broers | boeken | |
my brotherʼs | books |
b'. | mijn broers’ | boeken | |
my brothersʼ | books |
This means that the plural reading can only be expressed by means of the semi-genitival construction, or, for speakers who disfavor this construction, definite noun phrases with a postnominal van-PP, as in (452). Example (452a) shows that this construction can also be used as an alternant for (450c).
a. | het boek | van | mijn ouders | |
the book | of/by | my parents |
b. | het boek van | mijn | zuster/zusters | |
the book of/by | my | sister/sisters |
c. | de boeken | van | mijn | broer/broers | |
the books | of/by | my | brother/brothers |
Note that the examples above involve plural possessors that form their plural in -s. If the possessor has a plural in -en or -eren, interpretative problems like those in (451) do not arise, and we therefore might expect the genitival construction to give rise to a fully acceptable result, regardless of the number of the possessor. This expectation is, however, not borne out: the unacceptability of the primed examples in (453) shows that genitive constructions are also unacceptable with plural possessors in this case (although we should immediately add that we did find a number of examples of the type mijn kinderens N on the internet). What is even more remarkable (at least in the light of the acceptability in written language of the primed examples in (451)) is that the primed examples in (453) are also unacceptable in written language, where we only find the form het boek van mijn vrienden and de kamer van mijn kinderen. These idiosyncratic restrictions on the use of the genitival construction (even in writing) suggest that the genitival construction is only a remnant of an older stage of the language; in the present-day language, the productive forms are the construction in (452) with a definite noun phrase and a postnominal van-PP and (at least for those speakers who allow it) the semi-genitival construction.
a. | mijn vriends | boek | |
my friendʼs | book |
a'. | * | mijn vriendens | boek |
my friendsʼ | book |
b. | ? | mijn kinds | kamer |
my childʼs | room |
b'. | * | mijn kinderens | kamer |
my childrenʼs | room |
There are more restrictions on the genitival and, to a lesser extent, the semi-genitival constructions in (450). First, the possessor in these examples is typically a proper noun, as in (450a&b). If the noun phrase contains a kinship noun, as in (454a), both the genitival and the semi-genitival constructions are acceptable. If it refers to some other +human being, as in (454b), the genitival construction starts to decrease in acceptability, and the semi-genitival construction is then much preferred. The same thing holds if the noun phrase refers to a -human but +animate entity, as in (454c). A noun phrase referring to a -animate entity gives rise to a weird result in both constructions, as is shown in the (d)-examples; in this respect, the (semi-)genitival construction does not differ from those in (408c'&d') involving possessive pronouns. Note that expressing the possessive relation by means of the postnominal van-PP is possible in all cases: cf. het wiel van de brommer'the mopedʼs wheel'.
a. | mijn vaders | boek | |
my fatherʼs | book |
a'. | mijn vader | zʼn | boek | |
my father | his | book |
b. | ?? | de bakkers | auto |
the bakerʼs | car |
b'. | de bakker | zʼn | auto | |
the baker | his | car |
c. | ?? | de honds | voerbak |
the dogʼs | trough |
c'. | de hond | zʼn | voerbak | |
the dog | his | trough |
d. | * | de brommers | wiel |
the mopedʼs | wheel |
d'. | *? | de brommer | zʼn | wiel |
the moped | its | wheel |
For completeness’ sake, it can be noted that English constructions such as yesterdayʼs newspaper cannot be rendered by means of a possessive construction in Dutch but only by making use of a (non-possessive) postnominal van-PP or adverb: de krant (van) gisteren. This construction is more extensively discussed in subSection 3.3.6, sub I.
Referential and reciprocal personal pronouns are never used in the semi-genitival construction: instead, we always find constructions with a referential or a reciprocal possessive pronoun.
a. | * | hij/hem | zʼn boek |
he/him | his book |
a'. | zijn/zʼn | boek | |
his | book |
b. | * | zij/haar | dʼr boek |
she/her | her book |
b'. | haar/dʼr | boek | |
her | book |
c. | * | elkaar | zʼn/hun | boek |
each.other | his/their | book |
c'. | elkaars | boek | |
each.otherʼs | book |
This does not mean, however, that there is a general ban on using a personal pronoun as the possessor in semi-genitival constructions. The primeless examples in (456) show that demonstrative or interrogative pronouns can be used as such provided that their referent is +human. The primed examples show that these forms alternate with the genitival demonstrative pronoun diens or the interrogative pronouns wiens, which were discussed in Section 5.2.2.1, sub II and Section 5.2.2.1, sub V.
a. | die | zʼn/dʼr/%hun | boeken | |
that | his/her/their | books | ||
'that personʼs/personsbooks' |
a'. | diens | boeken | |
that.personʼs | books |
b. | wie | zʼn/dʼr/%hun | boeken | |
who | his/her/their | books | ||
'whose books' |
b'. | wiens | boeken | |
whose | books |
Finally, the examples in (457) show that it is also possible for the quantificational personal pronouns to enter the semi-genitival construction. In all cases, it is the possessive pronoun zʼn that is used. The universal semi-genitival construction in (457b) seems impossible with the more formal pronouns ieder and elkeen, which may be due to a clash in register. The most common genitival counterpart of the semi-genitival form iedereen zʼn is ieders, although iedereens is also frequently encountered. The semi-genitival forms in (457a&c) alternate with the genitive forms iemands and niemands.
a. | Ik | wil | iemand | zʼn | boek | lenen. | |
I | want | someone | his | book | borrow | ||
'I want to borrow someoneʼs book.' |
b. | Ik | heb | iedereen zʼn werk | gelezen. | |
I | have | everyone his work | read | ||
'Iʼve read everyoneʼs work.' |
c. | Ik | heb | niemand | zijn | toestemming | nodig. | |
I | have | no.one | his | permission | need | ||
'I need no oneʼs permission.' |
The observation in Section 5.2.2.1 that possessive pronouns cannot occur with determiners only holds for possessive pronouns that modify an overtly realized noun. If such a noun is lacking, the possessive pronoun is preceded by the definite article and followed by an -e suffix. As can be seen in Table 11, not all forms are equally acceptable.
singular | plural | ||
1st person | de/het mijne | de/het onze | |
2nd person | colloquial | de/het jouwe | *de/het jullie-e |
polite | de/het uwe | de/het uwe | |
3rd person | masculine | de/het zijne | ??de/het hunne |
feminine | de/het hare | ||
neuter | de/het zijne |
Nominalized possessive pronouns are typically used in contrastive contexts like (458). The examples show that the article preceding the possessive pronoun is sensitive to the gender of the noun in the first conjunct: auto'car' is non-neuter, and correspondingly the possessive pronoun is preceded by the non-neuter article de in (458a); paard'horse' is neuter, and the article preceding the possessive pronoun in (458b) is the neuter article het.
a. | Jouw auto | is mooi, | maar | de mijne | is nog | mooier. | |
your car | is beautiful | but | the mine | is even | more beautiful | ||
'Your car is beautiful but mine is even more beautiful.' |
b. | Zijn paard | is erg | snel, | maar | het mijne | is liever. | |
his horse | is very | fast | but | the mine | is sweeter | ||
'His horse is very fast, but mine is sweeter.' |
There are reasons, however, to assume that the possessive pronoun mijne in (458) is not part of an ellipsis construction, but the head of the noun phrase. The first is that, in contrast to the regular form mijn, the form mijne cannot be used if it is followed by an attributive adjective. This is shown in (459). Given the fact that an attributively used adjective must precede the noun it modifies, the ungrammaticality of (459b) is to be expected if mijne is a noun, but not if it is followed by an empty noun (cf. de blauwe'the blue one'). The force of the argument is rather weak, however, given that the adjective cannot precede the nominalized possessive pronoun either.
a. | Jouw | rode trui | is mooi, | maar | mijn blauwe | is nog | mooier. | |
your | red sweater | is beautiful | but | my blue | is even | more beautiful | ||
'Your red sweater is beautiful, but my blue one is even more beautiful.' |
b. | * | Jouw | rode trui | is mooi, | maar | de mijne blauwe | is nog | mooier. |
your | red sweater | is beautiful | but | the mine blue | is even | more beautiful |
A second reason is that, at least in orthography, the possessive pronoun can be followed by the plural marker -n (the n in the plural suffix -en is normally not pronounced in Standard Dutch). The noun phrase headed by the possessive pronoun must then refer to the persons belonging to the referent of the possessive pronoun (in particular his family or followers).
a. | ik | en | de mijnen | |
I | and | the mine | ||
'me and those who belong to me' |
b. | Luther | en | de zijnen | |
Luther | and | the his | ||
'Luther and his followers' |
For this reason, we will not consider the examples in (458) as counterevidence for the claim that possessive pronouns are determiners; they simply function as nouns. There is, however, another potential problem for this claim, which we have ignored so far, namely that the plural first person pronoun ons exhibits what seems to be attributive inflection. This is illustrated in (461).
a. | onze | slaapkamer | |
our | bedroom |
a'. | een mooie | slaapkamer | |
a beautiful | bedroom |
b. | ons-∅ | huis | |
our | house |
b'. | een mooi-∅ | huis | |
a beautiful | house |
c. | onze | huizen | |
our | houses |
c'. | mooie | huizen | |
beautiful | houses |
A comparison of the primeless and primed examples suggests that the inflection of ons is similar to the inflection of an attributive adjective in an indefinite noun phrase (cf. Section 3.2, sub I), which in turn suggests that ons occupies the attributive position in the noun phrase (and not the determiner position). It should be noted, however, that the only thing we can conclude from the primeless examples in (461) is that the possessive pronoun agrees in gender and number with the head noun. In this respect, it is no different from the articles and the demonstrative pronouns, which agree with the head noun in the same way; what should surprise us is not that ons exhibits agreement with the head noun, but that the other forms do not. Note further that the fact that agreement on ons involves the suffix -e may be merely accidental, and need not point toward the conclusion that we are dealing with an attributive phrase. That it is just an accident is supported by the fact that the attributive ending -e is only absent in indefinite noun phrases, whereas noun phrases introduced by the referential possessive pronouns in Table 10 are always definite; cf. Section 5.2.2.2.
Possessive pronouns are featured in several more or less idiomatic constructions. Some of these will be discussed in the following subsections.
Possessive pronouns can occur in noun phrases that address a person or are used as the salutation in a letter. The possessive pronoun then implies that there is a certain intimacy between the speaker/writer and the addressee. The pronoun is generally followed by an adjective like beste or lieve'dear'. For obvious reasons, the possessive pronoun is the first person singular one in cases like these.
a. | Mijn | beste | Jan/vriend, ... | |
my | best | Jan/friend | ||
'Dear Jan/friend, ...' |
b. | Mijn | lieve | Jan/schat, ... | |
my | sweet | Jan/treasure | ||
'My dear (Jan), ...' |
Sometimes the possessive pronoun has a purely evaluative function. An example such as (463a) may express that Gerard Reve is the favorite writer of the addressee, a writer the addressee is talking about often, etc. Similarly, (463b) expresses that Jan has a special interest in astrology. Often, this construction is used ironically; an example such as (463c) expresses that the speaker certainly does not share the belief (implicitly attributed to the addressee) that the girl in question is sweet.
a. | jouw Gerard Reve | |
your Gerard Reve |
b. | Jan is altijd | bezig | met zijn astrologie. | |
Jan is always | busy | with his astrology |
c. | Jouw lieve dochter | heeft | weer | eens | een ruit | gebroken. | |
your sweet daughter | has | again | prt | a window | broken | ||
'Your sweet daughter has broken a window again.' |
In the cases in (464), the use of the possessive pronouns seems to come close to the “par excellence” reading of the definite articles, discussed in Section 5.1.4.2, sub II.
a. | je reinste onzin | |
your clearest nonsense | ||
'utter nonsense' |
b. | Dat is je ware. | |
that is your true | ||
'Thatʼs the real thing.' |
c. | Dat | is | je | dat. | |
that | is | your | that | ||
'Thatʼs tops.' |
Many more or less fixed combinations involve possessive pronouns within PPs. For the following, we have relied heavily on the discussion in Haeseryn et al. (1997: 293), to which we refer the reader for more examples.
The first set of constructions involves PPs headed by the preposition op. In the first subtype, exemplified in (465a), the possessive pronoun is followed by an NP inflected with -s. In the second subset, exemplified in (465b), the possessive pronoun is followed by a superlative adjective. In this construction, the pronoun zʼn is invariant and does not seem to have referring force; we are therefore not dealing with a “true” possessive pronoun.
a. | We | doen | het | op zijn hondjes. | refers to a certain sexual position | |
we | do | it | on zijn dogdim-s | |||
'We do it doggystyle.' |
b. | We | zijn | op zijn vroegst | om vijf uur thuis. | |
we | are | at zijn earliest | at 5 oʼclock home | ||
'At best, weʼll be home at 5 oʼclock (but probably later).' |
In some cases, however, examples such as (465) do seem to contain a true possessive pronoun, which is clear from the fact that there is agreement between the pronoun and the subject of the clause. Some examples are given in (466).
a. | Ik | kleed | me | vandaag | op mʼn zondags. | |
I | dress | refl | today | on my Sunday-s | ||
'Today, Iʼll dress like in my Sunday best.' |
a'. | Jij | kleedt | je | vandaag | op je zondags. | |
'you dress refl today on your Sunday-s' | ||||||
'Today, you will dress like on Sunday/at your best.' |
b. | ʼs Avonds | ben | ik | op mʼn best. | |
at night | am | I | at my best | ||
'In the evening, Iʼm at my best.' |
b'. | ʼs Avonds | ben | jij | op je best. | |
at night | are | you | at your best | ||
'In the evening, youʼre at your best.' |
Another more or less fixed combination consists of the preposition met followed by a possessive pronoun which in turn is followed by a cardinal numeral or quantifier inflected with -en (or, in Flemish, with ge- ... -en). This PP provides information about the size of a set of entities denoted by a plural argument elsewhere in the clause: in (467a) the subject pronoun we'we', and in (467b), the direct object de jongens'the boys'. In examples like these, we may be dealing with the spurious, non-referring and invariant possessive pronoun zijn, or with a possessive pronoun that agrees with the modified argument.
a. | We | komen | met | zʼn/ons vieren. | |
we | come | with | zijn/our four-en | ||
'There will be four of us.' |
b. | Ik | heb | de jongens | met zijn/?hun allen | naar de bioscoop | gebracht. | |
I | zhave | the boys | with zijn/their all | to the cinema | brought | ||
'Iʼve brought the boys (all of them) to the cinema.' |
The numeral in (467a) cannot be *enen'one-en'. If one wants to express that one comes alone, one would instead use the construction in (468) where the numeral een'one' is adorned with the diminutive suffix -tje. Note that in this case the invariant, spurious possessive pronoun cannot be used.
a. | Ik | kom | in mijn/*zijn | eentje. | |
I | come | in my/zijn | one-tje | ||
'I come alone.' |
b. | Kom | je | in je/*zijn | eentje? | |
come | you | in your/zijn | one-tje | ||
'Are you coming alone?' |
- 2010Construction morphologyOxford/New YorkOxford University Press
- 1997Algemene Nederlandse spraakkunstGroningenNijhoff