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    The influence of syllable structure and position in the word on vowel reduction
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    Generally, vowel reduction preferably targets unstressed vowels in open syllables (see The influence of vowel quality on vowel reduction for the general patterns), whereas vowels in closed syllables resist reduction. Still, there are cases where reduction is possible in closed syllables; the reducibility depends on the structure and quality of the vowel / coda consonant. Furthermore, reduction is more likely to occur in word-medial than in word-initial syllables.

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    [+]General information

    Vowel reduction is more likely to occur in open than in closed syllables. Below, we discuss the reduction pattern for open and closed syllables in word-initial and word-medial position.

    [+]Reduction in word-initial closed syllables

    Reduction can occur in word-initial closed syllables:

    • if the consonant following the target vowel is ambisyllabic in the non-reduced form. The following examples are taken from Booij (1995:131)
      1
      syllabe [sɪ.ˈla.bə] [sə.ˈla.bə] syllable
      misschien [mɪs.ˈxin] [məs.ˈxin] perhaps
      supporter [sʏ.ˈpɔr.tər] [sə.ˈpɔr.tər] supporter
      dessert [dɛ.ˈsɛrt] [də.ˈsɛrt] dessert
      rapport [rɑ.ˈpɔrt] [rə.ˈpɔrt] report
    • if there is the sequences /ɛr/ and B-class vowels plus tautosyllabic /s/.
    • if the coda consonant of an initial unstressed syllable is deleted (object to inter-speaker variation).
    2
    person [pɛr.ˈson] [pər.ˈson] person
    percent [pɛr.ˈsɛnt] [pər.ˈsɛnt] percent
    pastoor [pɑs.ˈtor] [pəs.ˈtor] pastor
    pastei [pɑs.ˈtɛi] [pəs.ˈtɛi] pie
    • if the coda consonant of an initial unstressed syllable is deleted. However, in this case intuitions concerning the reducibility of vowels differ between different speakers / scholars. Booij explicitly refers to his own idiolect, when he says that “I have to delete the consonant first before being able to reduce the vowel. In that way, the vowel becomes reducible, being in syllable-final position” (Booij 1995:132). Kager (1989), on the other hand, argues that reduction is possible without coda deletion. This leads to the following possible and impossible surface forms:
    3
    benzine [bɛn.ˈzi.nə] petrol
    kanton [kɑn.ˈtɔn] canton
    portier [pɔr.ˈtir] porter
    Table 1: Trisyllabic words
    Trisyllabic words σ ˈσ σ
    Unreduced form bɛn ˈzi nə
    Possible:

    vowel reduction + coda deletion

    		bə ˈzi nə
    Possible (Booij)/ Impossible (Kager):

    vowel reduction, no coda deletion

    		(*)bən ˈzi nə
    Impossible:

    coda deletion, no vowel reduction

    		*bɛ/*be ˈzi nə
    Table 2: Disyllabic words
    σ ˈσ
    Unreduced form kɑn

    pɔr

    		ˈtɔn

    ˈtir

    Possible:

    vowel reduction + coda deletion

    		kə

    pə

    		ˈtɔn

    ˈtir

    Possible (Booij)/ Impossible (Kager):

    vowel reduction, no coda deletion

    		(*)kən

    (*)pər

    		ˈtɔn

    ˈtir

    Impossible:

    coda deletion, no vowel reduction

    		*kɑ/*ka

    *pɔ

    		ˈtɔn

    ˈtir

    [+]Reduction in word-medial closed syllables

    Booij (1981:149) and Kager (1989:282) argue that vowel reduction is more likely in word-medial syllables than in initial syllables. The following examples are taken from Booij (1995:132pp):

    4
    identiek [ˌi.dɛn.ˈtik] [ˌi.dən.ˈtik] identical
    compensatie [ˌkɔm.pɛn.ˈza.si] [ˌkɔm.pən.ˈza.si] compensation
    anekdote [ˌa.nɛg.ˈdo.tə] [ˌa.nəg.ˈdo.tə] anecdote
    directeur [ˌdi.rɛk.ˈtør] [ˌdi.rək.ˈtør] director
    alimentatie [ˌa.li.mɛn.ˈta.si] [ˌa.li.mən.ˈta.si] alimony
    sentimenteel [ˌsɛn.ti.mɛn.ˈtel] [ˌsɛn.ti.mən.ˈtel] sentimental
    paviljoen [ˌpa.vɪl.ˈjun] [ˌpa.vəl.ˈjun] pavilion
    infiltreer [ˌɪn.fɪl.ˈtrer] [ˌɪn.fəl.ˈtrer] to infiltrate
    amalgaam [ˌa.mɑl.ˈɤam] [ˌa.məl.ˈɤam] amalgam
    adopteer [ˌa.dɔp.ˈter] [ˌa.dəp.ˈter] to adopt
    [+]Reduction in word-initial open syllables

    In words with primary stress on the second syllable (disyllabic or trisyllabic), an A-class vowel in (open) first syllables can reduce. However, reduction will be found more often in word-medial open syllables. Some examples of vowel reduction in initial syllables are given below:

    Table 3
    Disyllabic items Possible reduction Trisyllabic items Possible reduction
    banaan /ba.nan/ banana [bə.ˈnan] familie /fa.mi.li/ family [fə.ˈmi.li]
    lokaal /lo.kal/ class room [lə.ˈkal] kolonie /ko.lo.ni/ colony [kə.ˈlo.ni]
    metaal /me.tal/ metal [mə.ˈtal] sequoia /se.kʋo.ja/ sequoia [sə.ˈkʋo.ja]
    muziek /my.zik/ music [mə.ˈzik] munitie /my.ni.tsi/ ammunition [mə.ˈni.si]
    minuut /mi.nyt/ minute [mə.ˈnyt] kimono /ki.mo.no/ kimono [kə.ˈmo.no]

    [+]Reduction in word-medial open syllables

    • Interstress position

    Unstressed A-class vowels in between two stressed syllables reduce more easily than vowels in other positions. In interstress position, highly frequent words will show a strong tendency towards reduction, also those with a high vowel (which usually do not reduce easily). The following examples are taken from Booij (1995:130):

    5
    dominee [ˈdo.mi.ˌne] [ˈdo.mə.ˌne] parson
    aspirine [ˌɑs.pi.ˈri.nə] [ˌɑs.pə.ˈri.nə] aspirin
    lucifer [ˈly.si.ˌfɛr] [ˈly.sə.ˌfɛr] match
    • Two adjacent unstressed syllables

    The reducibility of the vowels in two adjacent stressed syllables differs. Consider quadrisyllabic words with final primary stress and initial secondary stress (ˌσσσˈσ). In these words, we can see an interesting effect: vowel reduction in the penultimate syllable necessarily implies that the vowel in the antepenult is reduced as well, but not vice versa. Note, however, that this has been claimed to be obligatory only if both vowels are of similar quality, as reducibility also interacts with vowel quality. The possible and impossible reduction patterns are shown below for the words fonologie phonology and economie economy:

    Table 4
    Syllable PAPUˌσ APUσ PUσ Uˈσ
    Unreduced form ˌfo

    ˌe

    		no

    ko

    		lo

    no

    		ˈɣi

    ˈmi

    Partial reduction ˌfo

    ˌe

    		nə

    kə

    		lo

    no

    		ˈɣi

    ˈmi

    Full reduction ˌfo

    ˌe

    		nə

    kə

    		lə

    nə

    		ˈɣi

    ˈmi

    Impossible reduction ˌfo

    ˌe

    		no

    ko

    		lə

    nə

    		ˈɣi

    ˈmi

    [+]Word-final syllables

    Vowel reduction usually does not take place in final syllables (Booij 1977, 1982). There are, however, some exceptions: Booij (1995:135) mentions words ending in vowel + /r/, and words ending in /ɪ, ɛ/ + consonant.

    6
    motor [ˈmo.tɔr] [ˈmo.tər] engine
    kermis [ˈkɛr.mɪs] [ˈkər.mɪs] fair
    kennis [ˈkɛ.nɪs] [ˈkɛ.nəs] acquitance
    koning [ˈko.nɪŋ] [ˈko.nəŋ] king
    monnik [ˈmɔ.nɪk] [ˈmɔ.nək] monk
    idem [ˈi.dɛm] [ˈi.dəm] idem
    amen [ˈa.mɛn] [ˈa.mən] amen
    vonnis [ˈvɔ.nɪs] [ˈvɔ.nəs] verdict
    [+]The influence of syllable onsets on vowel reduction

    The syllable onset can influence the reducibility of the following vowel. First of all, the quality of the onset consonant can block reduction: if an unstressed syllable begins with [h] or [ʔ] (the latter can only occur in word-initial unstressed syllables), it cannot reduce to schwa. Other simplex onsets have no influence on the reducibility of the vowel. Moreover, vowels in onsetless syllables cannot reduce. Note that syllables starting with [hə], [ʔə] or [ə] are not only prohibited as a result of vowel reduction, they are generally avoided in prosodic words.

    7
    anaal [a.ˈnal] [*ə.ˈnal] anal
    elite [e.ˈli.tə] [*ə.ˈli.tə] elite
    erotisch [e.ˈro.tis] [*ə.ˈro.tis] erotic
    maoist [ma.o.ˈʋist] [*ma.ə.ˈʋist] Maoist
    heraut [he.ˈrɑut] [*hə.ˈrɑut] herald
    heroisch [he.ˈro.ʋis] [*hə.ˈro.ʋis] heroic
    humaan [hy.ˈman] [*hə.ˈman] human
    References
    • Booij, Geert1977Dutch morphology. A study of word formation in generative grammarLisse / DordrechtThe Peter de Ridder Press / Foris Publications
    • Booij, Geert1981Generatieve fonologie van het NederlandsAula paperbacksUtrecht / AntwerpenHet Spectrum
    • Booij, Geert1982Fonologische en fonetische aspecten van klinkerreductieSpektator11295-301
    • Booij, Geert1995The phonology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
    • Booij, Geert1995The phonology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
    • Booij, Geert1995The phonology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
    • Booij, Geert1995The phonology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
    • Booij, Geert1995The phonology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
    • Kager, René1989A Metrical Theory of Stress and Destressing in English and DutchDordrechtForis
    • Kager, René1989A Metrical Theory of Stress and Destressing in English and DutchDordrechtForis
    About this article
    Author(s): Björn Köhnlein
    Category: Dutch Phonology
    Keywords: vowelreductionsyllable structuresyllable position
    Version: 1.0, December 2015
    Version history:
    version editor(s) date remarks
    1.0 Björn Köhnlein December 2015
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