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The B-construction and verb ellipsis
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The A- and B-constructions interact with verb ellipsis.

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The perfect participle of the verb of going is normally left out if it is the complement of the auxiliary of the perfect. An example is given below:

1
Hy is nei De Gerdyk ta (gien)
he is to De Gerdyk to gone
He has gone away, to De Gerdyk

This example can be put in the perfect tense as follows, but now the verb of going cannot be included:

2
a. Hy hat nei De Gerdyk ta west
he is to De Gerdyk to been
He has gone to De Gerdyk, and returned
b. *Hy hat nei De Gerdyk ta gien west
he is to De Gerdyk to gone been
He has gone to De Gerdyk, and returned
c. *Hy hat nei De Gerdyk ta gean west
he is to De Gerdyk to go been
He has gone to De Gerdyk, and returned

Similarly, the verb of going must be absent in the B-construction, as shown below:

3
a. Hy woe oars de jûns nei De Gerdyk west ha
he wanted incidentally the evening to De Gerdyk been have
By the way, he would have wanted to go to De Gerdyk that evening
b. *Hy woe oars de jûns nei De Gerdyk gien west ha
he wanted incidentally the evening to De Gerdyk gone been have
By the way, he would have wanted to go to De Gerdyk that evening

The infinitive of the verb of going is normally left out if it is the complement of a modal auxiliary. An example is given in (4):

4
Hy woe nei De Gerdyk ta (gean)
he wanted to De Gerdyk to go
He wanted to go to De Gerdyk

The infinitive of wêze be cannot license the elided verb of going, apparently:

5
*Hy woe nei De Gerdyk ta wêze
he wanted to De Gerdyk to be
He wanted to have gone to De Gerdyk

However, the verb of going is normally elided in the A-construction, as shown in (6):

6
Hy hie oars nei De Gerdyk ta (gean) wollen
he had incidentally to De Gerdyk to go want
Incidentally, he had wanted to go to De Gerdyk

It is evident that nothing can be said about the verbal morphology of the elided verb, if it is assumed that verb morphology is a property of overt material. This may be related to the fact that Frisian occasionally displays parasitic participles (see The Participio-pro-Infinitivo. Occasionally, the corpus features a B-construction in which the tensed modal verb is duplicated as an infinitive, as in the example below from 1936:

7
Hy moast lije moatten ha, syn libben lang, om dy iene oerdwealske set út syn jonkheid
he must suffer must.PfP have his life long for that one silly deed from his youth
He had had to suffer, all his life, because of that one silly mistake in his youth

Note, incidentally, that the example above does not involve an irrealis interpretation (as is customary for the B-construction), but a realis interpretation that is normally expressed by an A-construction.

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