- Dutch
- Frisian
- Afrikaans
-
Dutch
-
Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
-
Word stress
-
Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
-
Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
-
Morphology
-
Word formation
-
Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
-
Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
-
Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
-
Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
-
Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
-
Word formation
-
Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
-
Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
-
3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
-
3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
-
3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
-
3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
-
5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
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11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
-
Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
-
2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
-
3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
-
3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
-
4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
-
5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
-
7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
-
Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
-
Adpositions and adpositional phrases
-
1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
-
1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
-
1 Characteristics and classification
-
Phonology
-
Frisian
- General
-
Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
-
Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
-
Morphology
- Inflection
-
Word formation
-
Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
-
Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
-
Derivation
-
Syntax
-
Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
-
Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
-
Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
-
Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
-
Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
-
Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
-
Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
-
Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
Afrikaans
- General
-
Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
-
Segment inventory
-
Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
-
Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
-
Overview of Afrikaans vowels
-
Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
-
Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
-
Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
-
Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
-
Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
-
Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
-
Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section discusses the three subtypes of three main types of constructions containing a complementive adjective: Subsection I discusses the copular construction, Subsection II the resultative construction, and Subsection III the vinden-construction.
Subsection A starts with a discussion of the Standard Dutch copular construction. In certain dialects, the Standard Dutch construction productively alternates with a construction involving the verb hebben'to have'; this semi-copular construction will be the topic of Subsection B and we will see that Standard Dutch has a similar construction, which is, however, somewhat more restricted in use.
Section 6.1 has shown that the prototypical occurrence of the complementive adjective is in the copular construction, exemplified in (13). All examples in (13) express that the set referred to by de jongens is a subset of the set denoted by the adjective, albeit that the actual choice of the copula may add certain meaning aspects: the copula zijn is neutral and expresses a purely predicative “N is A" relation; the copula worden'to become' adds an inchoative aspect; the copula blijven'to remain', on the other hand, indicates that some state remains the same; the copula lijken'to seem' indicates that the assertion is based on the subjective perception of the speaker.
a. | De jongens | zijn | groot. | |
the boys | are | big |
c. | De jongens | bleven | kwaad. | |
the boys | remained | angry |
b. | De jongens | werden | kwaad. | |
the boys | became | angry |
d. | De jongens | lijken | moe. | |
the boys | seem | tired |
Unlike the complementive constructions discussed in Section 6.2.1, sub II/III, the copular construction can be used with all types of set-denoting adjectives; see Section 1.3.2.2 for examples.
The eastern varieties of Dutch have an alternative way of conveying the assertions expressed by the Standard Dutch regular copular constructions in (13). Some typical examples of this semi-copular construction, which is often referred to as the band-lek construction, are given in (14); cf. Van Bree (1981) and Cornips (1994).
a. | Jan | heeft | de band | lek. | |
Jan | has | the tire | punctured |
b. | Hij | heeft | de vrouw | ziek. | |
he | has | the wife | ill |
Semi-copular constructions in (14) differ from regular copular constructions, however, in that they typically express a possessive relationship between the nominative argument Jan/hij and the logical subject of the adjective; translated into Standard Dutch, the examples in (14) would yield the sentences in (15).
a. | Jans band | is lek. | |
Janʼs tire | is punctured |
b. | Zijn vrouw | is ziek. | |
his wife | is ill |
Although the semi-copular construction in (14) is unacceptable in Standard Dutch, there are two acceptable constructions that resemble it. First, consider the examples in (16), which may be rejected by some speakers of Standard Dutch in this form, but which become fully acceptable if the clauses are extended with certain adverbs; see the examples in (18) below.
a. | Jan heeft | de kwast | schoon. | |
Jan has | the brush | clean |
b. | Jan heeft | het raam | open. | |
Jan has | the window | open |
The dialectal and Standard Dutch constructions in (14) and (16) differ in at least the following two respects; cf. Broekhuis & Cornips (1994). First, in contrast to what is the case in (14), the examples in (16) do not express a possessive relation. This can be made clear by adding a possessive pronoun to the subject of the adjective: example (17) shows that this leads to an unacceptable result with the dialect construction in (14a), but to a fully acceptable result with the Standard Dutch construction in (16a). Note that example (17a) is acceptable in Standard Dutch with a similar meaning as (17b).
a. | # | Jan heeft | mijn band | lek. |
Jan has | my tire | punctured |
b. | Jan heeft | mijn kwast | schoon. | |
Jan has | my brush | clean |
Second, the Standard Dutch examples in (16) imply that the subject of the clause can affect the state that the object is in, which is clear from the fact that adverbial phrases like nog niet'not yet' or eindelijk'finally' can be added to these examples, as in (18). These adverbial phrases express that the subject of the clause is actively involved in the process of cleaning the brush or closing the window: Jan is in the process of cleaning the brush or opening the window and has not yet/finally succeeded in obtaining the desired result.
a. | Jan heeft | de kwast | nog niet/eindelijk | schoon. | |
Jan has | the brush | not yet/finally | clean |
b. | Jan heeft | het raam | nog niet/eindelijk | open. | |
Jan has | the window | not yet/finally | open |
This involvement is also clear from the fact that the verb hebben can be replaced by the verb krijgen'to get', or houden'to keep', as in (19). In such cases, it is possible to use the subject-oriented adverbial phrase met moeite'with difficulty', which underlines the fact that Jan is involved in the process of cleaning the brush or opening the window by expressing that Jan has some difficulty in obtaining the desired result. The use of krijgen and houden is not possible in the dialect constructions in (14) without a shift of meaning in the direction of the Standard Dutch construction: for example, Jan kreeg zijn band niet lek can only be interpreted in such a way that Jan is deliberately puncturing his tire.
a. | Hij | kreeg/hield | de kwast | (met moeite) | schoon. | |
he | got/kept | the brush | with difficulty | clean |
b. | Hij | kreeg/hield | het raam | (met moeite) | open. | |
he | got/kept | the window | with difficulty | open |
A second Standard Dutch construction that also involves hebben + adjective is given in (20a). Given that het cannot be replaced by the demonstrative pronoun dat'that', we have to conclude that this construction involves the non-referring element het that we also find in constructions such as (20b) and which is discussed more extensively in Section 6.6.
a. | Ik | heb | het/*dat | benauwd. | |
I | have | it/that | hard.to.breathe | ||
'Iʼm out of breath.' |
b. | Het/*Dat | is benauwd. | |
it/that | is hard.to.breathe |
The verb hebben in (20a) can be replaced by krijgen'to get', as is shown in (21a), but the fact that the adverbial PP met moeite'with difficulty' cannot be added suggests that the subject of the clause is not a controller, but acts as a kind of experiencer. If we use the verb houden, as in (21b), the translation with to keep is no longer appropriate; instead, the proper translation requires the copular verb to remain. This suggests again that the subject functions as an experiencer in this construction.
a. | Ik | krijg | het | (*met moeite) | benauwd. | |
I | get | it | with difficulty | hard.to.breathe | ||
'Iʼm getting out of breath.' |
b. | Ik | houd | het | benauwd. | |
I | remain/*keep | it | hard.to.breathe | ||
'Iʼm remaining out of breath.' |
In examples such as (22), it does seem possible to add the adverbial PP met moeite and to use the verb houden with the meaning to keep. This is only apparent, however, as example (22a) turns out to be ambiguous: on one reading, the pronoun het is a non-referring expression, just as in (20); on the second reading it is a deictic pronoun that refers to some entity in the domain of discourse (e.g., het gerecht'the dish'), as is clear from the fact that het can be replaced by the demonstrative dat'that'. The examples in (22b&c) are only licensed on the second reading, which actually involves the same construction type as in (16).
a. | Ik | heb | het/dat | warm. | |
I | have | it/that | warm |
b. | Ik | krijg | het/dat | met moeite | warm. |
het = het gerecht
|
|
I | get | it/that | with difficulty | warm |
c. | Ik | houd | het/dat | warm. |
het = het gerecht
|
|
I | keep | it/that | warm |
For completeness’ sake, note that the pronoun
het in example (22b) can also be interpreted as an anticipatory pronoun
introducing a(n implicit) locational phrase: Ik krijg het met moeite warm (in de
kamer)'I can hardly heat the
room'; see Section 6.6, sub III, for a discussion of
this construction.
The meanings of (20a) and (22a) are very
close to the meaning of the copular construction Ik ben
benauwd/warm'I am short of
breath/warm'. Nevertheless, it would be
wrong to conclude that the adjective is predicated of the subject
ikin (20a) and (22a), since a paraphrase by means of a copular construction
is often excluded with structurally similar examples. This is
illustrated in (23); the examples in (23a) express a totally different meaning
than the examples in (23b). The English paraphrases attempt to express this
difference.
a. | Ik | heb | het | gezellig/goed/prettig. | |
I | have | it | cozy/good/nice | ||
'Iʼm feeling comfy/good/fine.' |
b. | Ik | ben | gezellig/goed/prettig. | |
I | am | cozy/good/nice | ||
'Iʼm a sociable/good/nice guy.' |
Complementive adjectives in copular constructions such as (13) are always predicated of the subject of the clause. In the constructions in (24), on the other hand, the adjectives are predicated of the accusative object of the clause.
a. | Marie | sloeg | de hond | dood. | |
Marie | hit | the dog | dead |
b. | Jan verfde | zijn haar | zwart. | |
Jan dyed | his hair | black |
c. | Jan drinkt | de fles | leeg. | |
Jan drinks | the bottle | empty |
The constructions in (24) express that the accusative object becomes
part of the denotation set of the adjective as a result of the activity
expressed by the verb. In other words, the construction inherently expresses
that the logical subject of the
adjective is not part of the set denoted by A yet, but will become part of A
as the result of the action denoted by the verb. Example (24c), for instance,
expresses that the bottle is not empty yet but attains this state as a
result of the event of drinking. It is for this reason that this
construction is often called the resultative construction.
As
the resultative construction implies a change of state, it can arise with
stage-level adjectives only;
individual-level predicates, such as
intelligent, are not compatible with the meaning of the resultative
construction since they denote a (more or less) permanent property of their
subject; cf. Section 1.3.2.2, sub IV. This contrast between stage- and
individual-level predicates is illustrated in (25).
a. | De spinazie | maakt | de jongen | ziek/%lang. | |
the spinach | makes | the boy | ill/long |
b. | Die les | maakt | de jongen | nerveus/%intelligent. | |
that lesson | makes | the boy | nervous/intelligent |
The examples of the resultative construction in (24) and (25) are all transitive in the sense that both a nominative and an accusative noun phrase are present. The following subsections will show, however, that the construction is also compatible with other syntactic frames; see also V2.2.3.
Consider again the primeless examples in (10), repeated here as (26a&b). Since the weather verbs regenen'to rain' and vriezen'to freeze' do not take a referential noun phrase as their subject, we conclude that the nominative noun phrase de jongen in the primed examples is in fact the logical subject of the resultative adjectives. This, in turn, implies that this noun phrase is in fact a DO-subject and that weather verbs are unaccusative.
a. | Het/*De jongen | regent. | |
it/the boy | rains |
b. | Het/*De jongen | vriest. | |
it/the boy | freezes |
a'. | De jongen | regent | nat. | |
the boy | rains | wet |
b'. | De jongen | vriest | dood. | |
the boy | freezes | dead |
That the weather verbs in resultative constructions are unaccusative is supported by the fact that they indeed exhibit the properties typical of unaccusative verbs. First, the singly-primed examples in (27) show that weather verbs in resultative constructions, in contrast to those in non-resultative constructions, take the auxiliary zijn'to be' in the perfect tense. Second, the doubly-primed examples show that the past/passive participle of the verb can be used attributively if it modifies a head noun that corresponds to the nominative argument of the verbal resultative construction, provided at least that the resultative adjective is also present. The triply primed examples, finally, show that the impersonal passive of the resultative construction is impossible.
a. | Het | heeft/*is | geregend. | |
it | has/is | rained |
b. | Het | heeft/*is | gevroren. | |
it | has/is | frozen |
a'. | De jongen | is/*heeft | nat geregend. | |
the boy | is/has | wet rained |
b'. | De jongen | is/*heeft | dood gevroren. | |
the boy | is/has | dead frozen |
a''. | de | nat | geregende | jongen | |
the | wet | rained | boy |
b''. | de | dood | gevroren | jongen | |
the | dead | frozen | boy |
a'''. | * | Er | werd | nat | geregend. |
there | was | wet | rained |
b'''. | * | Er | werd | dood | gevroren. |
there | was | dead | frozen |
As in the case of the weather verbs in (26), an additional nominal argument must be introduced if a complementive adjective is used with an intransitive verb. Consider the primeless examples in (28). Example (28a) shows that a verb like lopen cannot take a noun phrase like zijn schoenen as a direct object. However, if the adjective kapot'worn-out' is added, as in (28b), this noun phrase must be present. Again, we have to conclude that the noun phrase zijn schoenen is introduced in the structure as the subject of the adjective (although it acts as the direct object of the verb in the sense that it is assigned accusative case by it). The primed examples give similar data with the intransitive verb huilen'to cry'.
a. | Jan loopt | (*zijn schoenen). | |
Jan walks | his shoes |
a'. | Jan huilt | (*zijn ogen). | |
Jan cries | his eyes |
b. | Jan loopt | *(zijn schoenen) | kapot. | |
Jan walks | his shoes | worn.out | ||
'Jan is wearing his shoes out.' |
b'. | Jan huilt | *(zijn ogen) | rood. | |
Jan cries | his eyes | red |
Unaccusative resultative constructions occur not only with verbs that do not take a referential subject, such as the weather verbs discussed in Subsection A, but also with regular unaccusative verbs like vallen'to fall' in (29a). Some unaccusative verbs, like slibben'to silt' in (29b), must occur in a resultative construction.
a. | Jan viel | dood. | |
Jan fell | dead |
b. | De sloot | slibt | *(dicht). | |
the ditch | silts | shut | ||
'The ditch silts up.' |
The examples in (30) show that the verbs in (29) exhibit the typical properties of unaccusative verbs: the primeless examples show that they take the perfect auxiliary zijn'to be', the singly-primed examples that the past/passive participle of the verb can be used attributively if it modifies a head noun that corresponds to the nominative argument of the verbal construction (provided that the resultative adjective is also present), and the doubly-primed examples that the impersonal passive is excluded.
a. | Jan is/*heeft | dood | gevallen. | |
Jan is/has | dead | fallen |
b. | De sloot | is/*has | dicht | geslibd. | |
the ditch | is/has | shut | silted |
a'. | de | dood | gevallen | jongen | |
the | dead | fallen | boy |
b'. | de | dicht | geslibde | sloot | |
the | shut | silted | ditch |
a''. | * | Er | werd | dood | gevallen. |
there | was | dead | fallen |
b''. | * | Er | werd | dicht | geslibd. |
there | was | shut | silted |
The unaccusative verbs differ from the intransitive verbs in (28) in that the subject of the adjective must also satisfy the selection restrictions of the verb; it is not possible to introduce an additional noun phrase that has no semantic relation to the verb, that is, the subject of the adjective must be a noun phrase that can also act as the subject of the regular unaccusative construction. As the noun phrase de vaas in (31a) can act as the subject of the unaccusative verb breken'to break', it can also occur as the subject of the resultative adjective kapot'broken' in (31b). The addition of a noun phrase like Jan in (31c) is excluded, however, as this noun phrase has no thematic relation with the unaccusative verb breken.
a. | De vaas | breekt. | |
the vase | breaks |
b. | De vaas | breekt | kapot. | |
the vase | breaks | broken |
c. | * | De vaas | breekt | Jan | treurig. |
the vase | breaks | Jan | sad |
The unacceptability of (31c) contrasts sharply with the acceptability of the (b)-examples in (28). This contrast is arguably related to case assignment. Since unaccusative verbs
do not have the ability to assign accusative case, (31c) is ungrammatical because the noun phrase
Jan remains case-less. If intransitive verbs are in principle able to assign accusative
case, the noun phrase
zijn schoenen is licensed in (28b); that intransitive verbs do not take an accusative object in the absence of a resultative
adjective is simply due to the fact that they cannot license them semantically. This
account is based on Chomskyʼs (1981) Case Filter, which requires that every phonetically realized noun phrase be assigned
case, and, of course, presupposes that case is also assigned if it has no morphological
reflex.
To conclude, we want to point out that there are a number of exceptions to the claim
that the subject of the resultative predicate must satisfy the selection restrictions of the unaccusative
verb. Some examples, which involve predicative PPs, are given in (32); these examples involve metaphoric or at least more or less fixed expressions.
a. | Het plan | viel | in duigen/in het water. | |
the plan | fell | in pieces/into the water | ||
'The plan failed.' |
b. | Het huis | vloog | in brand. | |
the house | flew | in fire | ||
'The house burst into flames.' |
With transitive constructions, the subject of the resultative adjective often seems thematically unrelated to the verb. This is illustrated in (33). Example (33a) shows that the verb verven'to paint' may take the noun phrase de deur'the door' as its direct object, but not the noun phrase de kwast'the brush' (at least, under the intended reading in which de kwast is the instrument used). Still, both noun phrases are acceptable in the resultative construction, as is illustrated in (33b) and (33c), respectively. Example (33d) shows, however, that the two noun phrases cannot be present simultaneously.
a. | Jan verft | de deur/#de kwast. | |
Jan paints | the door/the brush |
c. | Jan verft | de kwast | kapot. | |
Jan paints | the brush | broken |
b. | Jan verft | de deur | groen. | |
Jan paints | the door | green |
d. | * | Jan verft | de deur | de kwast | kapot. |
Jan paints | the door | the brush | broken |
The ungrammaticality of (33d) may seem unexpected given that the noun phrase
de deur'the door' is semantically licensed by the verb
verven'to paint' and the noun phrase
de kwast'the brush' is semantically licensed by the adjective
kapot'broken'. It must therefore again be attributed to case assignment: if a transitive verb can
assign accusative case only once, one of the two noun phrases remains case-less, which
violates Chomskyʼs Case Filter; cf. the discussion of example (31c).
Although the verb
verven is used transitively in (33a), we cannot immediately conclude that it is also used transitively in (33c), because this verb is occasionally also used as a pseudo-intransitive verb: Jan verft'Jan is painting'. Thus, we may be dealing with an intransitive verb in (33c) as well. This suggestion is supported by the paraphrases in (34): example (33b) is preferably paraphrased by means of the transitive verb
verven, as in (34a), whereas example (33c) must be paraphrased by the intransitive verb
verven in (34b).
a. | Jan verft | de deur | zo | dat | hij | groen | wordt. | |
Jan paints | the door | such | that | it | green | becomes | ||
'Jan is painting the door such that it gets green.' |
a'. | ? | Jan verft | zo | dat | de deur | groen | wordt. |
Jan paints | such | that | the door | green | becomes |
b. | * | Jan verft | de kwast | zo | dat | hij | kapot | gaat. |
Jan paints | the brush | such | that | it | broken | gets |
b'. | Jan verft | zo | dat | de kwast | kapot | gaat. | |
Jan paints | such | that | the brush | broken | gets | ||
'Jan is painting in such a manner that the brush gets broken.' |
Example (35) provide more cases of transitive verbs with a pseudo-intransitive counterpart, and in which a resultative adjective can introduce a noun phrase that is not thematically related to the verb; (35a') does not express that zijn ouders'his parents' are the objects being eaten, but that Janʼs parents are getting poor, because Jan is eating so much; similarly, in (35b'), de longen'the lungs' are not being smoked, but are just getting black as the result of Janʼs smoking.
a. | Jan eet | (brood). | |
Jan eats | bread |
a'. | Jan eet | zijn ouders | arm. | |
Jan eats | his parents | poor |
b. | Jan rookt | (sigaretten). | |
Jan smokes | cigarettes |
b'. | Jan rookt | zijn longen | zwart. | |
Jan smokes | his lungs | black |
The discussion suggests that, despite appearances, complementive adjectives cannot introduce an additional argument into the structure in the case of “truly" transitive verbs; this is possible only with (pseudo-)intransitive and weather verbs. In other words, if an (underlying) object is present, as in the case of the regular unaccusative verbs in Subsection C and the transitive verbs, this object must be construed as the subject of the complementive adjective in the resultative construction. This is confirmed by the fact that in “truly" transitive resultative constructions, the accusative object must, generally speaking, be overtly realized; cf. (36).
a. | Marie sloeg | (*de hond) | dood. | |
Marie hit | the dog | dead |
b. | Jan verft | (*zijn haar) | zwart. | |
Jan dyes | his hair | black |
c. | Jan drinkt | (*de fles) | leeg. | |
Jan drinks | the bottle | empty |
There are, however, some exceptional constructions in which the accusative object is omitted: example (37a) is a fixed expression and example (37b) is an advertisement slogan. Such examples normally have a generic interpretation; see Vanden Wyngaerd (1994:ch.4) and references cited there for more discussion.
a. | Geld | maakt | niet | gelukkig. | |
money | makes | not | happy | ||
'Money doesnʼt make one happy.' |
b. | Omo wast | door en door | schoon. | |
Omo washes | through and through | clean | ||
'Omo washes your laundry thoroughly clean.' |
Finally, observe that the accusative object of the “truly" transitive resultative construction may take the form of a reflexive. Unlike regular accusative objects, the reflexive need not take the complex form zichzelf'himself' but may also appear in its simplex form zich; cf. Section N5.2.1.5. This is demonstrated by means of the contrast between (38a) and (38b).
a. | Jan bewondert | zichzelf/*zich. | |
Jan admires | himself/refl |
b. | Jan maakt | zichzelf/zich | belachelijk. | |
Jan makes | himself/refl | ridiculous |
In (38b), the reflexive can be replaced by a regular referential noun phrase, such as Marie. Occasionally, however, this is impossible in the resultative construction. If so, the reflexive must appear in its simplex form zich. This is demonstrated in (39).
a. | Jan werkt | *Marie/zich/??zichzelf | suf. | |
Jan works | Marie/refl/himself | dull | ||
'Jan works *Marie/himself to death.' |
b. | Jan schreeuwt | *Marie/zich/??zichzelf | schor. | |
Jan screams | Marie/refl/himself | hoarse |
Some verbs are typically used in resultative constructions: either they do not occur in other syntactic frames at all or they receive a special meaning in this construction. An example of the former is the verb verklaren'to declare': example (40b) shows that dropping the complementive adjective results in ungrammaticality, regardless of whether the noun phrase het beroep is present or not.
a. | De rechter | verklaarde | het beroep | gegrond. | |
the judge | declared | the appeal | just |
b. | * | De rechter verklaarde (het beroep). |
An example of the latter case is the verb of creation maken. In the resultative construction it is deprived of its normal meaning “to create/repair", as shown by the contrast between (41a) and (41a'). Note that in examples such as (41b), for which the create/repair reading is less likely, the complementive adjective must be present.
a. | Jan maakt | de tafel | kapot. | |
Jan makes | the table | broken | ||
'Jan is destroying the table.' |
a'. | Jan maakt | de tafel. | |
Jan makes | the table | ||
'Jan is creating/repairing the table.' |
b. | De spinazie | maakt de jongen | ziek. | |
the spinach | makes the boy | ill |
b'. | * | De spinazie | maakt | (de jongen). |
the spinach | makes | the boy |
The examples with the verb houden'to keep' in (42) are in a sense the opposite of the resultative constructions discussed in this section; instead of expressing that the subject becomes part of the set denoted by A, it is expressed that the subject remains part of the set denoted by A. Examples (42a&b) are more or less lexicalized, and (42c&d) are clearly idiomatic.
a. | De politie | hield | de identiteit van de misdadiger | geheim. | |
the police | kept | the identity of the criminal | secret |
b. | De jongen | hield | het huis | schoon. | |
the boy | kept | the house | clean |
c. | Jan hield | zijn hoofd | koel. | |
Jan kept | his head | cool |
d. | Jan houdt | zijn kinderen | klein. | |
Jan keeps | his children | small | ||
'Jan keeps his children down.' |
Example (43) is a more or less isolated case, in which a desired result is expressed. This construction is severely restricted in the sense that the adjective dood'dead' cannot readily be replaced: *?Jan wenste zijn vader ziek/gelukkig'Jan wished his father ill/happy'. Note that in non-resultative constructions involving wensen, such as Ik wens je een prettige verjaardag'I wish you a happy birthday', the particle toe can be optionally added. This is not possible in (43), however.
Jan wenste | zijn baas | dood. | ||
Jan wished | his boss | dead | ||
'Jan wished that his boss would die.' |
A second type of complementive construction in which the adjective is predicated of an accusative object is the vinden-construction in (44). This construction expresses that the subject of the clause has a subjective opinion about the accusative object, the subject of the adjective; the examples in (44) assert that Marie is of the opinion that the propositions “Jan is kind/unsuitable" is true.
a. | Marie vindt | Jan aardig. | |
Marie considers | Jan nice |
b. | Marie acht | Jan ongeschikt. | |
Marie considers | Jan unsuitable |
That the verb takes some kind of proposition as its complement is very clear in the case of the verb vinden; example (44a), for example, can be paraphrased as in (45a), in which the noun phrase Jan and the adjective are part of a subordinate clause. This paraphrase also shows that the noun phrase Jan is thematically dependent on the adjective only. However, a similar paraphrase cannot be given in the case of (44b).
a. | Marie vindt | dat | Jan aardig | is. | |
Marie considers | that | Jan nice | is | ||
'Marie thinks that Jan is kind.' |
b. | * | Marie acht | dat | Jan ongeschikt | is. |
Marie considers | that | Jan unsuitable | is |
Note also that not all verbs that take a finite propositional object can occur in the vinden-construction. Verbs of saying such as zeggen'to say' and beweren'to claim' are excluded from this construction. This is illustrated in (46).
a. | Marie zegt | dat | Jan aardig | is. | |
Marie says | that | Jan nice | is |
a'. | * | Marie zegt | Jan aardig. |
Marie says | Jan nice |
b. | Marie beweert | dat | Jan aardig | is. | |
Marie claims | that | Jan nice | is |
b'. | * | Marie beweert | Jan aardig. |
Marie claims | Jan nice |
Because the vinden-construction expresses a subjective opinion, it requires that the adjective denote a property that can be subject to subjective evaluation: adjectives that denote a property that can be objectively established are not compatible with the meaning of the construction. Some examples are given in (47).
a. | % | Marie vindt/acht | Jan dood/ziek/ongelukkig. |
Marie considers | Jan dead/ill/unhappy |
b. | Ik | vind | de tafel | mooi. | |
I | consider | the table | beautiful |
b'. | % | Ik | vind | de tafel | kapot. |
I | consider | the table | broken |
The requirement that the adjective be subject to subjective evaluation is also clear from modification of measure adjectives like hoog'high' in (48): if the modifier indicates the precise extent to which the subject has the property expressed by the adjective, like 70 cm in (48a), the example is unacceptable; if the modifier is less specific or absent, as in (48b), the extent to which the subject is considered to have the property expressed by the adjective is left open to subjective evaluation and the example is fully acceptable as a result.
a. | % | Ik | vind | de tafel | 70 cm | hoog. |