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1.3.1.2.Inf-nominalization (Infinitival nominals)

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Infinitival nominals (from now on: inf-nominalizations) are characterized by the fact that they inherit the denotation (namely, state of affairs) and the argument structure of the verb they are derived from. In this sense, they are not fully nominal, which is also reflected in that, unlike most nouns, they can in principle assign case to a theme and/or recipient argument. The following subsections will discuss the form of the derived noun, its relation to the base verb and the restrictions on the derivational process; a comprehensive discussion of complementation of inf-nominalizations can be found in Section 2.2.3.2.

I. Form of the derived noun
II. Nominal properties
III. Relation to the base verb
IV. Restrictions on the derivational process
V. The degree of verbalness/nominalness

[+] I. Form of the derived noun

Inf-nominalizations constitute the most productive type of nominalization in Dutch: virtually any infinitive, regardless of the type of verb, can be nominalized and thus be given the external distribution of a noun. The examples in (111) and (112) show that this type of category change is achieved by conversion (zero-derivation): it is not morphologically marked. The two sets of examples present two different types of nominalization: in (111) we find bare nominalizations (from now on: bare-inf), and in(112) nominalizations preceded by a determiner (from now on: det-inf).

111

a.		Zeilen	is leuk.
		sail	is nice

b.		Jan houdt	van	zeilen.
		Jan likes	prt.	sail

c.	Fruit eten	is gezond.
	fruit eat	is healthy
	'To eat fruit is healthy.'

112

a.	Het eten van fruit	is erg gezond.
	the eat of fruit	is very healthy
	'The eating of fruit is very healthy.'

b.	Jan vermaakte	zich	met	het tekenen van poppetjes.
	Jan amused	himself	with	the draw of dollsdim
	'Jan amused himself by drawing human figures.'

c.	Het bonken	van de machines	was goed	te horen.
	the pound	of the engines	was well	to hear
	'The pounding of the machines could be heard very clearly.'

[+] II. Nominal properties

Apart from the fact that they have the distribution of noun phrases, inf-nominalizations do not exhibit many nominal properties; they rather retain a number of verbal properties. We illustrate this in the following subsections by means of article selection, pluralization and modification.

[+] A. Determiners

The examples in (113) show that the determiner of det-inf nominalizations can be realized by the definite article, a demonstrative, or a possessive pronoun; a genitive form of a proper noun is also possible. These examples further show that det-inf nominalizations have the feature +neuter: they take the definite article het and the demonstrative determiners dat'that' and dit'this'; cf. Table 1.

113

a.		Het zeilen	verveelde	hem	nooit.
		the sail	bored	him	never

b.	Dat/?Dit zeilen	begint	me	aardig	te vervelen.
	that/this sail	begins	me	considerably	to bore
	'Iʼm beginning to get fed up with this sailing.'

c.		Peters/?Zijn zeilen	kost	hem	veel	geld.
		Peterʼs/his sail	costs	him	much	money

Although det-infs can be preceded by a definite determiner, they do not normally co-occur with an indefinite article, as is shown by (114a). Still, there are some cases in which an indefinite article can be used. These concern noun phrases like (114b&b'), which are headed by a nominalization derived from an input verb that denotes an emission of sounds, and in which the infinitive is usually pre- or postmodified.

114

a.	*	Een zeilen	verveelde	hem	nooit.
		a sail	bored	him	never

b.		Een luid ruisen van water	werd	hoorbaar.
		a loud rustle of water	became	audible

b'.	We	hoorden	een	eigenaardig	tikken	op zolder.
	we	heard	a	strange	tick	on attic
	'We heard a strange ticking in the attic.'

In addition, there are occasional inf-nominalizations that obligatorily combine with the indefinite article. This particular use of the infinitive is either entirely nonproductive, as in the idiomatic constructions in (115a), or very restricted, as in the more or less fixed template het op een Vinfinitive zetten (115b), in which the position Vinfinitive can be filled only by a limited number of verbs.

115

a.	Het	was	er	een	(voortdurend)	komen en gaan	van belangrijke mensen.
	it	was	there	a	constant	come and go	of important people
	'There was a (constant) coming and going of important people.'

b.	Hij	zette	het	op een lopen/huilen/schreeuwen.
	he	set	it	on a walk/cry/scream
	'He took to his heels/he turned on the waterworks.'

[+] B. Pluralization, quantification and questioning

Another difference with most nouns is that inf-nominalizations cannot be pluralized. They also differ from true nouns in that they cannot be quantified or questioned. These characteristics are illustrated in (116).

116

a.	*	Peter houdt	erg	van zeilens.
		Peter loves	very much	of sailpl

b.	*	De zeilens van Peter	kosten	hem	veel geld.
		the sailpl of Peter	cost	him	much money

c.	*	Elk zeilen	is weer	een nieuw avontuur.
		every sail	is again	a new adventure

d.	*	Welk zeilen	vind	jij	nu	het prettigst	(hier of op het IJsselmeer)?
		which sail	consider	you	prt	most pleasant	here or on the IJsselmeer

[+] C. Modification

All inf-nominalizations denote abstract entities, more specifically states of affairs: they refer to the event or situation denoted by the verb from which they derive. As such, they exhibit a number of properties characteristic of verbs. First, (117) shows that inf-nominalizations may be modified for manner, frequency or duration. Second, example (117b) shows that in the det-inf pattern, the adverbial (= bare) form of the adjective can be used alongside the adjectival form, ending in -e. Note that it cannot be established which of the two forms is used in the bare-inf pattern in (117a), since the -e ending only surfaces if the adjective is preceded by a definite determiner.

117

a.	Uitgebreid/regelmatig/lang	vergaderen	over triviale zaken	is nutteloos.
	extensively/frequently/long	meet	over trivial matters	is pointless
	'Meeting extensively/frequently/long over trivial matters is pointless.'

b.		het	uitgebreid(e)/regelmatig(e)/lang(e)	vergaderen	over triviale zaken	is nutteloos.
		the	extensive(ly)/frequent(ly)/lengthy	meet	over trivial matters	is pointless

[+] D. The form of the complement

Unlike what is the case with the deverbal ing-, ge- and er-nouns, the theme argument of the bare-inf nominalizations may appear as a noun phrase in prenominal position, as shown in (118a); realizing the theme as a postnominal van-PP, as in (118b), is also possible, but this is a less preferred option. Again this is a property typical for verbs, not nouns.

118

a.	Postzegels	verzamelen	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
	stamps	collect	is an innocent pastime
	'Collecting stamps is an innocent pastime.'

b.	?	Verzamelen	van postzegels	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
		collecting	of stamps	is an innocent pastime

The preferred pattern for realizing the theme in det-inf nominalizations like those in (119) is the opposite of that in bare-inf nominalizations: the theme can appear as a prenominal noun phrase, as in (119a), but it is preferred to have it as a postnominal van-PP, as in (119b); see Section 2.2.3.2 for more discussion.

119

a.	?	Het	postzegels	verzamelen	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
		the	stamps	collect	is an innocent pastime
		'The collecting of stamps is an innocent pastime.'

b.	Het	verzamelen	van postzegels	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
	the	collect	of stamps	is an innocent pastime
	'The collecting of stamps is an innocent pastime.'

[+] III. Relation to the base verb

Inf-nominalizations can be said to inherit the argument structure of the input verb. Apart from the change in syntactic category (from v to inf-n), the argument structure of the verb remains unaffected by the derivational process: both the number of arguments and their thematic functions remain essentially the same. The only difference is that while the arguments of a verb normally are obligatorily present, those of the derived noun are not. We will illustrate this in the following subsections for a number of verb types.

[+] A. Intransitive verbs

An inf-nominalization of an intransitive verb always has one argument (typically the agent), although, unlike what is the case with the verbal construction, the realization of the agent is not compulsory. If the agent is realized, it may appear either postnominally in the form of a van-PP, or prenominally in the form of a genitive noun phrase or a possessive pronoun. This is illustrated in (120b&b') for the nominal infinitive derived from the intransitive verb lachen'to laugh'. Observe that, although we are dealing with a case of nominalization, the deverbal noun is given the category INF-N, rather than N, in order to signal the special nature of the nominal infinitive, with its combination of nominal and verbal features.

120

a.		lachenINF-N (Agent)
		to laugh/laughing

b.		(Het)	lachen	(van kinderen)	vrolijkt	hem	op.
		the	laugh	of children	cheers	him	up

b'.		Jans	(harde)	lachen	is irritant.
		Janʼs	loud	laugh	is irritating

[+] B. Transitive verbs

An inf-nominalization of a transitive verb inherits both arguments of the input verb. This is illustrated in (121a) for the inf-nominalizations derived from the verb verzamelen'to collect'. Example (121b) shows that, just as in the case of the agent, realization of the theme is optional.

121

a.		verzamelenINF-N (Agent, Theme)
		to collect/collecting

b.	(Postzegels)	verzamelen	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
	stamps	collect	is an innocent pastime
	'Collecting stamps is an innocent pastime.'

However, if the agent is realized, the theme is normally obligatorily expressed by means of a prenominal noun phrase or a postnominal van-PP. This is illustrated in (122) for cases in which the agent is expressed by means of a prenominal genitive noun phrase or possessive pronoun.

122

a.	?	Peters/Zijn	postzegels	verzamelen	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
		Peterʼs/his	stamps	collect	is an innocent pastime
		'Peterʼs/His collecting of stamps is an innocent pastime.'

b.	?	Peters/Zijn	verzamelen	van postzegels	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
		Peterʼs/his	collect	of stamps	is an innocent pastime
		'Peterʼs/His collecting of stamps is an innocent pastime.'

If the agent is expressed as a postnominal PP. its form depends on the realization of the theme: if the theme argument occurs prenominally as a noun phrase, the agent will be expressed by means of a van-PP, as shown in (123b); if the theme is realized postnominally as a van-PP, the agent will normally be realized by means of a door-PP, as shown in (123b). Since (123b) is probably the most unmarked way of expressing the intended proposition, we marked the other examples with a question mark.

123

a.	?	Het	postzegels	verzamelen	(van Peter)	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
		the	stamps	collect	of Peter	is an innocent pastime
		'Peterʼs collecting of stamps is an innocent pastime.'

b.	Het	verzamelen	van postzegels	(door Peter)	is een onschuldig tijdverdrijf.
	the	collect	of stamps	by Peter	is an innocent pastime
	'The collecting of stamps by Peter is an innocent pastime.'

It should be noted, however, that in construction with a postnominal theme PP introduced by van, it is sometimes possible to add an agent PP also introduced by van. Example (124a) shows that such constructions are fully acceptable only if the determiner takes the form of a demonstrative. The contrast between (124a) and (124b) furthermore suggests that the theme PP must contain an indefinite noun phrase. This restriction may be due to the fact that in the case of a definite noun phrase, the second van-PP is likely to be interpreted as modifying the noun postzegels, i.e., with Peter as the possessor of the stamps; see Section 2.2.3.2, sub I, for more details.

124

a.	Dat/??Het	verzamelen	van postzegels	van Peter	is een ware obsessie.
	that/the	collect	of stamps	of Peter	is a true obsession
	'This collecting of stamps by Peter is a true obsession.'

Dat/Het verzamelen van de postzegels van Peter is een ware obsessie.

[+] C. Ditransitive verbs

Deverbal nouns derived from ditransitive verbs also inherit the argument structure of the input verb, but instances where all three arguments are explicitly mentioned are not very common: realization of the recipient (and the agent) is typically optional, whereas the theme argument is normally present. Like the theme argument, the recipient may appear in prenominal position, in which case it may take the form of a noun phrase as in (125b). As in clauses, the recipient can also be realized as an aan-PP, in which case it may occur either in pre- or postnominal position, as shown by (125b'). If the theme argument is realized as van-PP, the recipient must also appear in postnominal position, as shown by (125b'').

125

a.		schenkenINF-N (Agent, Theme, Recipient)
		to donate/donating

b.		De kerk	geld	schenken	is een goede zaak.
		the church	money	donate	is a good thing

b'.		Geld	<aan de kerk>	schenken <aan de kerk>	is een goede zaak.
		money	to the church	donate	is a good thing

b''.		Het	schenken	van geld	aan de kerk	is een goede zaak.
		the	donate	of money	to the church	is a good thing

[+] D. Unaccusative verbs

Unaccusative verbs can also be the input for infinitival nominalization. The theme argument is inherited from the input verb, but is normally optionally expressed. The theme argument cannot occur as a prenominal noun phrase, but must be realized as a postnominal van-PP, as is shown by (126b'&b''). Since bare-inf nominalizations prefer the realization of their argument as a prenominal noun phrase, they only occur if the theme argument is left implicit, as in the generic example in (126b).

126

a.		vallenINF-N (Theme)
		to fall/falling

b'.	*	(het)	bladeren	vallen
		the	leaves	fall

b.		Vallen	is pijnlijk.
		fall	is painful

b''.		het	vallen	van bladeren
		the	fall	of leaves

[+] E. Verbs with a PP-complement

Verbs such as jagen op'to hunt', which select a PP-theme, can also be nominalized. Again the nominalized structure may take the form of a bare-inf or a det-inf. In either case the preposition selected by the input verb is inherited by the nominalization. In the bare-inf nominalization in (127b), the PP-themes are acceptable both in pre- and in postnominal position, whereas in the det-inf nominalization in (127b') there is a clear preference for placing the PP-theme in postnominal position.

127

a.		jagen opINF-N (Agent, Theme)
		to hunt/hunting

b.	<Op groot wild>	jagen <op groot wild>	is een populair tijdverdrijf.
	on big game	hunt	is a popular pastime
	'Hunting big game is a popular pastime.'

b'.	Het	<?op groot wild>	jagen <op groot wild>	is een populair tijdverdrijf.
	the	on big game	hunt	is a popular pastime
	'Hunting big game is a popular pastime.'

[+] IV. Restrictions on the derivational process

Inf-nominalization is an almost fully productive process in the sense that it is possible with most verbs. As is shown in (128), repeated from (102), it can even take the perfect auxiliaries and the modal verbs as its input.

128

a.	[Het	gelezen hebben	van zoʼn boek ]	is niet voldoende	om	je	taalkundige	te noemen.
	the	read have	of such a book	is not enough	to	yourself	linguist	to call
	'Having read such a book isnʼt enough to call yourself a linguist.'

b.	[Het	kunnen	rijden	met een auto]	is een voorwaarde	voor deze baan.
	the	be.able	drive	with a car	is a requirement	for this job
	'Being able to drive a car is a condition for this job.'

Inf-nominalization is also possible with inherently reflexive verbs like zich bedrinken'to get drunk'. If an antecedent for the pronoun is present, the antecedent determines the form of the reflexive; in (129a&b), for example, the reflexive is realized as zich, due to the presence of the third person antecedent Jan. If no antecedent is present, the generic reflexive je is used, as in (129c).

129

a.	(?)	Jans	zich	voortdurend	bedrinken	is ziekelijk.
		Janʼs	refl	continuously	get.drunk	is morbid

b.	(?)	Het	zich	voortdurend	bedrinken	van/door Jan	is ziekelijk.
		the	refl	continuously	get.drunk	of/by Jan	is morbid

c.		Het	je	voortdurend	bedrinken	is ongezond.
		the	refl	continuously	get.drunk	is unhealthy

Note that the reflexive pronoun must be in prenominal position; the examples in (130), in which the reflexive is realized in a postnominal van-PP, are ungrammatical. It is not clear whether this is a syntactic property of the construction, given that the reflexive zich normally only occurs as the complement of an adposition if the latter is stressed. The fact that the examples become somewhat better if we make the weak form zich heavier by adding the emphatic morpheme zelf'himself', suggests that we are dealing with a phonological restriction.

130

Jans voortdurend bedrinken van zich *(zelf) is ziekelijk.

Het voortdurend bedrinken van zich *(?zelf) van/door Jan is ziekelijk.

Het voortdurend bedrinken van je *(?zelf) is ongezond.

The fact that (unlike what is the case with the other types of nominalizations) the deverbal nouns in (128) and (129) are grammatical shows that the process of inf-nominalization is extremely productive. However, remember that as is the case for the other types of nominalization, an infinitival nominal cannot take a raising verb or an object-experiencer verb as its input; cf. Section 1.3.1.1.

[+] V. The degree of verbalness/nominalness

Both types of inf-nominalization retain all the verbal properties listed in Table 9. Thus, inf-nominalizations have arguments, and these arguments can be realized as nominal objects in prenominal position. The fact illustrated in (117) that inf-nominalizations can be modified by means of an adverbial phrase also points in the direction of verbal status.
While retaining their verbal properties, inf-nominalizations acquire few exclusively nominal ones: the two subtypes cannot co-occur with indefinite determiners or quantifiers, and both lack the ability to undergo pluralization. Still, det-inf (but not bare-inf) nominalizations do exhibit some of the nominal characteristics in Table 9: they can be modified by an adjective, can be preceded by the definite article het or a demonstrative/possessive pronoun, and are compatible with a theme-PP in postnominal position.

Table 9: The degree of verbalness/nominalness of inf-nominalizations

properties		bare-inf	det-inf
verbal	presence of arguments	yes	yes
	prenominal theme/recipient with objective case	yes	yes
	prenominal recipient-PP	yes	yes
	adverbial modification	yes	yes
nominal	adjectival modification	?	yes
	theme with genitive case	no	no?
	theme/recipient realized as postnominal PP	no	yes
	definiteness	—	yes
	indefiniteness	—	no
	quantification	no	no
	pluralization	no	no

On the basis of these data, we may conclude that although both bare-inf and det-inf have the external distribution of nouns, they are to a considerable degree still verbal. Table 9 also shows that there is a difference between bare-inf and det-inf in the sense that bare-inf nominalizations are more verbal than det-inf nominalizations. For a comparison of the inf-nominalizations with other types of nominalization, see Table 17 in Section 1.3.1.6.

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About this article

Author(s): Hans Broekhuis, Evelien Keizer

Category: Dutch Syntax

Keywords: ArgumentArgument structureDemonstrative PronounDitransitive VerbEmphatic modifierInfinitival nominalInherently Reflexive VerbIntransitive VerbNominal infinitivePP-complementPP-over-VPronounSpurious Demonstrative PronounTransitive VerbUnaccusative VerbVerb

Version: 1.0, December 2015

Version history:

version	editor(s)	date	remarks
1.0	Hans Broekhuis, Evelien Keizer	December 2015

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