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The modification of substantive nouns: Demonstratives
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The demonstratives expressed in Afrikaans in formal and informal registers are the demonstrative pronounshierdie/diéthis/these and daardiethat/those. Both forms have at least one informal form: hierdie /hieriethis/these and daardie/daaithat/those.Both the formal and informal forms express distance from the speaker/writer and listener/reader in a discourse domain D: hierdie/dié/hieriethis/these used as premodifier of a head noun or as an independent pronoun means the speaker/writer or/and listener/reader is/are close to the referent of the head noun; daardie/daaithat/those speaker/writer and listener/reader in a discourse domain D are far/further away from the referent of the head noun (cf. (Ponelis 1979:125)). In this section the grammatical features of the category of demonstratives used as premodifiers of substantive nouns are discussed. Special attention is given to the use of accented diéthis/these independently and as a premodifier.

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hierdie/dié and the informal hieriethis/these and daardie and its informal form daaithat/those are the forms in which demonstratives are realised in Afrikaans.

Two syntactic functions of the demonstratives are (i) that the formal and informal forms of the deictic demonstratives hierdie/hieriethis/these and daardie/daaithat/those are used attributively (i.e. as premodifiers of substantive head nouns) and (ii) that, including the accentuated diéthis/these, the members of the demonstrative function independently as (anaphorically linked) pronoun. Both these functions are illustrated in (1) and (2):

Example 1

(attributive)
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal
this/that option
this/that option
(attributive; informal)
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal
this/that group of four
this/that group of four
(independent; anaphorically linked)
c. Dit is 'n soort mentaliteit  hierdie/daardie wat 'n mens walg.
Ponelis (1979:89)
it is a sort mentality this/that that a person disgusts
It is a kind of mentality this/that which really disgusts one.
(independent; anaphorically linked)
d. Ek wil ook hierie/daai reg hê. Hierie/daai is nie 'n reg nie.
Adapted from Ponelis (1979:89).
I want also this/that right this/that is not a right not
I also want this/that right. This/that is not a right.
Example 2

a. dié afdelings op jou aansoekvorm
VivA Korpusportaal
these sections on yourSG application.form
these sections on your application form

However, the two subcategories of demonstratives differ in meaning when they are used as premodifiers of substantive nouns or independently as anaphoric pronouns: hierdie/dié/hieriethis/these used as premodifier of a head noun or as an independent pronoun means the speaker/writer or/and listener/reader is/are close to the referent of the head noun; daardie/daaithat/those indicate the speaker/writer and listener/reader in a discourse domain D is/are far/further away from the referent of the head noun (cf. (Ponelis 1979:125)). This difference in meaning can be illustrated with the examples in (3) and (4):

Example 3

a. Maak asseblief seker dat jy hierdie afdelings sorgvuldig deurlees...
VivA Korpusportaal
make please sure that youSG these sections attentively through.read
Please make sure that you read these sections attentively.
b. Maak asseblief seker dat jy hierie afdelings sorgvuldig deurlees...
Adapted from (1a) from VivA Korpusportaal
make please sure that youSG these sections attentively through.read
Please make sure that you read these sections attentively.
c. Jy moet by 'n hele aantal afdelings teken. Maak asseblief seker dat jy dié afdelings/dié sorgvuldig deurlees...
Adapted from (1a) from VivA Korpusportaal
youSG must at a whole number sections sign make please sure that you these sections/these attentively read
You have to sign at a whole number of sections. Please ensure that you read these sections/these attentively.
Example 4

a. 'n SMS is aan daardie lede gestuur om hulle in kennis te stel van die veranderings in hul mediesefonds-bydraes.
VivA Korpusportaal
an sms was to those members sent to them in knowledge to put of the changes in their medical.aid-contributions
An sms was sent to those members to inform them of the changes to their contributions to the medical aid.
b. So dis moontlik dat uit daai groep van vier dit net die handgranaatgooier was wat doodgeskiet was
VivA Korpusportaal
so it's possible that out that group of four it just the handgranade.thrower was that dead.shot was
So it is possible that of the group of four it was only the thrower of the handgranade that was killed in the shooting.
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x Alternative subcategorisations of the demonstratives

In classifying the demonstratives in Afrikaans, we have followed the 'traditional approach' assumed by Ponelis (1979). Alternative, motivated hypotheses, do, however exist, such as that proffered by Kirsner (2014). Kirsner (2014:45-46) assumes a tripartite classification for the demonstratives based on their deictic properties: hierdiethis/these refers to central (or close) deixsis, daardiethat/those refers to peripheral (or distal) deixsis and dié this/these/that/those simply refers to deixsis as such without implying centrality or distance (Kirsner 2014:48).

According to Kirsner (2014:52-55) the assumption that hierdiethis/these and diéthis/these/that/those are in fact synonyms arises from the egocentricity of language users, that is the habit of referring to close objects or entities, which by no means imply the synonymity of hierdiethis anddié, so that language users prefer to use diéthis as it is unmarked for distance (cf. also (Kirsten 2016:208)).

The 'traditional' two subcategories of demonstratives differ in meaning when they are used as premodifiers of substantive nouns or independently as anaphoric pronouns: hierdie/dié/hieriethis/these used as premodifier of a head noun or as an independent pronoun means the speaker/writer or/and listener/reader is/are close to the referent of the head noun; daardie/daaithat/those that the speaker/writer and listener/reader in a discourse domain D are far/further away from the referent of the head noun (cf. (Ponelis 1979:125)). The distance between the participants involved in a discourse domain can refer to physical distance or to distance in time (a metaphorical use). Ponelis gives the examples in (5) and (6) to illustrate these differences in meaning in place and time:

Example 5

a. hierdie/hierie/dié stoel
this chair
this chair
b. daardie/daai stoel
that chair
that chair
All examples in (5) adapted from Ponelis (1979:125)
Example 6

a. hierdie/hierie/dié vergadering
that meeting
this meeting
b. daardie/daai vergadering
that meeting
that meeting
All examples in (6) adapted from Ponelis (1979:125)

The main semantic difference between that of the examples used in (5) and (6) is that stoelchair refers to an entity which could in terms of space be closer/close or far/further away from the participants in a discourse domain and vergaderingmeeting is a noun derived from the verb vergader(to) meet, which refers to an event of some duration. Partipants in a discourse could be close to or further away (in time) to the said meeting.

The third semantic function of demonstrative that Ponelis (1979:125) distinguishes is the expression of the ''closeness'' or degree of ''distance'' that participants in a discourse may harbour towards the world view or point of view identified or referred to (sometimes anaphorically). Ponelis illustrates this with the following examples:

Example 7

a. Glenelg het 'n klompie aanbevelings gedoen. Baie boere het begryplik nie veel simpatie met hierdie aanbevelings gehad nie.
Glenelg has a few suggestions done many farmers have understandably not much sympathy with these recommendations had not
Glenelg made a few recommendations. A lot of the farmers understandably did not have much sympathy with these recommendations.
b. Baie boere het begryplik nie veel simpatie met daardie aanbevelings gehad nie.
many farmers have understandably not much sympathy with those recommendations had not
Many of the farmers did understandably not have much sympathy with those recommendations.
All examples in (7) adapted from Ponelis (1979:125)

From Ponelis's comments (cf. (Ponelis 1979:125)) following these examples, it becomes clear that the contrast hierdie/daardie aanbevelingsthese/those recommendations reflect the speaker's distance (being part of the discourse domain) from the recommendations, not those of the farmers despite the use of the words begryplik nie veel simpatie nieunderstandably did not have much sympathy : (s)he signals with hierdie aanbevelingsthese recommendations that (s)he in fact agrees with the recommendations made (metaphorically ''stands close'' to these recommendations), and with the choice of daardie aanbevelingsthose recommendations that (s)he in fact distances her/himself from the recommendations/does not agree with them (fully).

Afrikaans demonstratives hierdie/daardiethis/thatstill in fact signal the historical close connection between these demonstratives and the locatives hier/daarhere/there – a connection that is (formally) lost between the informal demonstratives hierie/daaithis/that and these two locatives (cf. (Ponelis 1979:89-90)).

Ponelis also refers to the demonstrative split construction in Afrikaans of the general form Dit...hierdie/daardieIt...these/ those. The demonstratives are closely anaphorically linked to the subject of the clause, and in fact, the demonstratives are never used independently without there being this anaphoric link to the subject Dit.... The demonstrative split construction can be illustrated with the following examples, which have all the grammatical features of this construction:  

Example 8

a. Dit was soos 'n swart wolk hierdie wat oor die hele huis gehang het
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal
it was like a black cloud this that over the whole house hung have
It was like a black cloud this that hung over the whole house
b. Dit is nie gevaarliker as jou gewone seisoenale griep nie, maar daardie (griep) het gevaarlike gevolge.
Adapted from Viva Korpusportaal
it is not dangerousCOMP than your normal seasonal flu not but that (flu) has dangerous consequences
It is not more dangerous than your typical seasonal flu, but that (flu) could have dangerous consequences.

Ponelis shows with his examples that another grammatical feature of the demonstrative split construction is the fact that the demonstrative may be promoted to the subject position with the result that the subject DitIt is ousted (cf. (9b) and (10b)):

Example 9

a. Dit is 'n man hierdie so reg na my hart.
Ponelis (1979:90)
it is a man this so near to my heart
This is a man close to my heart
b. Hierdie is 'n man reg na my hart.
Ponelis (1979:90)
this is a man near to my heart
This is a man I like.
Example 10

a. Dit was hulle voorstel daardie.
Ponelis (1979:90)
it was their proposal that
That was their proposal.
b. Daardie was hulle voorstel.
Ponelis (1979:90)
that was their proposal
That was their proposal.

Used attributively, accentuated dié is a variant of hierdiethis/these, and it can be used as an anaphoric, emphatic and as an informal/friendly pronoun (cf. (Ponelis 1979:91-95)).

As anaphoric pronoun diéthis is the only pronoun that can be used both referentially and nonreferentially. It is used referentially if it (as anaphora) refers back to the same antecedent (usually a NP already established in the discourse); it is used nonreferentialy if dié this/these (as anaphor) does not that have the same reference as the denotative, but the latter refers to referents of the same nature or kind. This difference between the referential and non-referential uses of diéthis/these can be illustrated by the following examples:

Example 11

a. Maak asseblief seker dat jy hierdie afdelings sorgvuldig deurlees voordat jy dié op jou aansoekvorms teken.
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal
make please sure that youSG these sections thoroughly through.read before jou this on yourSL application.forms sign
Please make sure that you properly/thoroughly read these sections before signing them.
b. Opgrawings is ook by Brits gedoen maar dié was nie so dramaties as dié verder noord nie
Adapted from Ponelis (1979:91)
excavations were also at Brits done but these were not so dramatic as those further north not
Excavations were also made at Brits, but these were not so dramatic as those further north.

In (11a) the antecedent hierdie afdelingsthese sections and the anaphor diéthis/these refer to the same entity, viz. the relevant sections in the application forms. In (11b) the reference is, however, more complex in that two referents are at play, viz. the excavations at Brits and the excavations further north. Altough both can be considered excavations (and diéthis/these can be used to refer to both,) the reference of these are not identical - the excavations of Brits and the excavations north are only of the same kind or sort. The latter is referred to by the term nonreferential use of the pronoun.

Furthermore, diéthis/these can be used in much more cases than personal pronouns and therefore concurs with all personal pronouns that could have been used instead of diéthis/these. The following examples illustrate the wide semantic range of diéthis/these and the pronouns that it competes with.

Example 12

(mass noun)
a. die veroudering van 'n goeie wyn neem lank; dié/ dit is langer as...
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal and Ponelis (1979:92)
the aging of a good wine takes long this/it is longer than...
The aging of a good wine takes long; this is longer than...
(plural nouns)
b. resepte uit die verlede; dié/hulle is baie skaars
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal and Ponelis (1979:92)
recipes from the past these/they are very scarce
Recipes from the past are quite scarce.
(human referents)
c. Piet Prinsloo was nie hier nie. Ons het dié/hom toe gebel.
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal and Ponelis (1979:92)
Piet Prinsloo was not here not we have this/him then phoned
Piet Prinsloo was not here. We thus phoned him/*this
(pronouns of a postmodifying clause)
d. om my saak of dié/dit van my afhanklikes te behartig 
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal and Ponelis (1979:92)
to my case or that/it of my dependents to manage
T manage my case or that of my dependents

The emphatic use of diéthis/these becomes clear if one looks at its possibilities for foregrounding to the position of subject of a clause/sentence – foregrounding is in fact preferred if there are no factors prohibiting the foregrounding. Ponelis (1979:92) uses the grammaticality of the following examples to illustrate the effects of foregrounding – (13b) to (13d) illustrate the decline in grammaticality:

Example 13

a. Dié kan mens oor en oor gebruik.
this can human over and over use
This a person can use over and over.
b. ?'n Mens kan dié oor en oor gebruik.
a human can this over and over use
?A person can this use over and over.
c. ?Ek wil dié nie hê nie.
I want this not have not
?I want this not.
d. ?Hulle het dié nog nie kan kry nie.
they have this yet not can get not
?They this could not get.

Foregrounding of diéthis/these goes hand in hand with the stranding of the prepositions associated with the relative demonstrative pronoun (compare the grammaticality of (14a) with the ungrammaticality of (14b)):

Example 14

a. Hierdie aandelesertifikate, dié weet hy niks van af nie.
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal and Ponelis (1979:92)
these share.certificates this knows he nothing from of not
These share certificates, this he knows nothing of.
b. ?Hierdie aandelesertifikate, van dié weet hy niks nie.
these share.certificates of this knows he nothing not
These share certificates, of this he knows nothing.

Foregrounding does take place in the case of left dislocation, i.e. when a so-called ''heavy'' NP occurs left and this NP is followed by a clause ''hooked'' onto the left most NP. This is illustrated in (15):

Example 15

(*<---[+ Nobody dictates to this]
a. My ouma, [+S dié laat haar nie voorsê nie]
My grandmother, she/*this allows nobody to dictate to her.
(<---[+S we had to let go of this]
b. Die plan, [+S dié moes ons laat vaar]
The plan, this we had to let go.

Foregrounding of diéthis/these, however, is not allowed in Afrikaans if it occurs in an inversion construction (cf. the grammaticality of (16a) and the ungrammaticality of (16b), questions (cf. the grammaticality of (17a) and the ungrammaticality of (17b)), or as part of clauses (cf. the grammaticality (18a) and the ungrammaticality of (18b)):

Example 16

(inversion)
a. Sou jy dié nie doen nie, kan jy moeilikheid verwag.
Adapted from VivA Korpusportaal and Ponelis (1979:93)
Shouldn't you do this, you can expect trouble
b. **Dié sou jy nie doen nie, kan jy moeilikheid verwag
*This you would no do, you can expect trouble.
Example 17

(question)
a. Het jy al by dié aangesluit?
VivA Korpusportaal
Have you joined this?
b. **Dié het jy al by aangesluit?
*This have you joined
Example 18

(clause)
a. As jy dié hoor, sal jy dink die wêreld vergaan.
Adapted from Ponelis (1979:93)
If you hear this, you would think the world has come to an end.
b. *Dié as jy hoor, sal jy dink die wêreld vergaan.
*This if you hear, you wil think the world has come to an end.

Where diéthis/these concurs with the more emphatic personal pronouns, diéthis/these sounds more informal. Contrast (19a) with (19b):

Example 19

a. Jy kan vir Anna vra, dié sal sekerlik help.
Adapted from Ponelis (1979:95).
?You can ask Anna, this would surely help
b. Jy kan vir Anna vra, sy sal sekerlik help
You can ask Anna, surely she would help.
References:
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Anderson, Stephen R2011Cliticsvan Oostendorp, Marc and Ewen, Colin J and Hume, Elizabeth and Rice, Keren (ed.)The Blackwell Companion to Phonology4: Phonological InterfacesWiley-Blackwell2002-2018
  • Gold, David L1998An instance of convergence: Frisian witte and Yiddish mideyeLeuvense Bijdragen87151-153
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