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Tense refers to the part played by a verb or verbal string in positioning the action or state of affairs referred to in a clause in time. The Afrikaans tense system consists mainly of a distinction between past and non-past. The past tense – a simple past tense with no present relevance – is expressed mainly by a periphrastic combination of auxiliary and past participle (e.g. het besefhave realised) or by preterite forms such as waswas/were and dog/dagthought, and modal preterites such as soushould, moesmust.PST, koncould and wouwould in combination with infinitives (e.g. moes.MOD 'n plan maak.INFmust have made a plan). When contextual indications are lacking and in the absence of modal preterites, the perfect unambiguously marks a proposition as past tense. However, the expression of past tense, as in (1a), is only one of the functions of the perfect/preterite; the perfect may also be perfective and function as a pluperfect, as in (1b), contribute to expressing the irrealis, as in (1c), or partake in expressing conditionals, as in (d).

Example 1

a. Sy het dit besef, maar kon niks daaraan doen nie.
she have.AUX.PRS it realise.PST-PTCP but can.PRET nothing there-to do.INF not
She realised it, but couldn't do anything about it.
b. Toe sy die fout begaan het, moes sy van nuuts af begin.
when she the error commit.PST-PTCP have.AUX.PRS must.PRET she from new of begin.INF
When she had made the mistake, she had to begin anew.
c. Sy moes liewer haar ou werk behou het.
she must.PRET rather her old work retain.PST-PTCP have.AUX.PRS
She should rather have retained her old job.
d. Het sy dit besef, kon sy betyds 'n plan gemaak het.
have.AUX.PRS she it realise.PST-PTCP can.PRET she in-time a plan PST.PTCP-make have
Had she realised it, she could have made a plan in time.

The present tense, a truly unmarked form, has a wide range of functions, or is compatible with a wide range of contexts, in which temporal and other senses are indicated by adverbials and other non-verbal means, such as nounow, toethen, in die verledein the past, etc. A proposition containing a present tense form may for example refer to a point in time or period of time centred on speech time (2a) or a point in time or period of time following on speech time (2b), to a past event (in the so-called historic present) (2c), to habitual action (2d) and to what is perceived to be a law of nature (2e).

Example 2

a. Dié opvatting raak nou baie algemeen.
this idea become now very common
This idea is now becoming very common.
b. Hy kom vandag of môre huis toe.
he come today or tomorrow home to
He is coming home today or tomorrow.
c. Hy kom toe gister huis toe.
he come then yesterday home to
He then came home yesterday.
d. Hulle noem hom soms 'n diktator.
they call him sometimes a dictator
They sometimes call him a dictator.
e. Rook trek altyd opwaarts.
smoke move always upwards
Smoke always moves upwards.

While adverbials such as vandagtoday, môretomorrow, gisteryesterdaysomssometimes and altydalways are relatively unambiguous indicators of the time-frame in which a proposition functions, the temporal reference of others, such as nounow and toethen,  are closely wound up with the semantics of the proposition. Thus Botha (1990:109-110) distinguishes between various applications ofnou as deictic particle, e.g. the moment of utterance; the period preceding, including and following speech time; the period preceding and including speech time, and the period including and following speech time. The sense of the adverbial may even seem to be at variance with the temporal function of the verb, such as the abverb môretomorrow and the preterite koncould in the following example. While kon in the root sense of were able to would be unacceptable, it would be acceptable in the deontic sense of were given permission to or when expressing a possibility, as in could perhaps.

Example 3

Ons kon môre die boeke bring.
we can.PRET tomorrow the books bring.INF
We *were able to/ were given permission to/ could perhaps bring the books tomorrow.

The present and past tense referred to above are “absolute” tenses in the sense of Comrie (1985)Comrie (1985:64-65) contrasts “tenses with absolute time reference, where a situation is located at, before, or after the present moment”, with “relative tenses, where a situation is located at, before, or after a reference point given by the context”.  A relative tense is "quite strictly one which is interpreted relative to a reference point provided by the context” (Comrie 1985:58) ). Comrie (1985:64) also distinguishes “absolute-relative tense”, such as the pluperfect, which has characteristics of both, i.e. instances in which “it is necessary not only to relate situations relative to the present moment, but also to relate them chronologically to one another” (Comrie 1985:67) .  Afrikaans examples of the perfect as an absolute tense, an absolute-relative tense and a relative tense would be, respectively, past tense (4a), pluperfect (4b) and event preceding time reference of main clause (4c).

Example 4

a. Ons het die deur gesluit.
we have.AUX.PRS the door lock.PST-PTCP
We locked the door.
b. Die deur was al deur die amptenare gesluit toe ons daar kom.
the door be.AUX.PRET already by the officials lock.PST-PTCP when we there come.PRS
The door had already been locked by the officials when we got there.
c. Wanneer ons die eksamen geslaag het, gaan ons feesvier.
when we the exam pass.PST-PTCP have, AUX.PRS go we celebrate.INF
When we have passed the exam, we will celebrate.

Reichenbach's (1947) system will be employed as a descriptive device in order to distinguish between basic temporal relationships, viz. eventt (E), reference time (R) and speech time (S). Thus in (2a) above the event, reference time and speech time coincide (E,R,S) and in (2b) the event will follow speech and reference time (S,R - E), while (4a) may be described  as E – S, R, i.e. event time precedes speech time, which is also taken to be reference time, (4b) as E – R – S and (4c) as E,R – S. Other temporal relationships – not necessarily (absolute-relative) tenses in the sense of having dedicated formal constructions at their disposal - include the future in the past (R - E - S), as in (5a), and the future perfect (S - E - R), as in (5b).

Example 5

a. Jy sou die geld gister al oorhandig het..
you will.PRET the money yesterday already over-hand.PSTPTCP have.AUX.PRS
You would already have handed over the money by yesterday.
b. Die trein sal môre om elfuur al vertrek het.
the train will.PRS tomorrow at eleven-o'clock already depart.PST.PTCP have.AUX.PRS
The train will have departed tomorrow at eleven o'clock.

The unmarked among the absolute tenses is the present tense, with various temporal values (2, 6) from present to future, as well as the past reference of the historic present (6e, 9b), habitual action (2d, 10), and generally valid (10) or timeless truths (2e, 11). While the present tense as such is employed for future reference (2b, 13), the main verb is also aided by modal verbs (14a, 14b).

Past tense is expressed by a periphrastic perfect (1a, 21a, 22) or one of the restricted group of highly frequent modal preterites (1a, 21b, 30, 31, 32). Past tense - and the realis - is also expressed by a construction consisting of the auxiliary hethave + modal preterite (or present) + main verb (36, 37, 38). In a full infinitive, past tense may also be expressed by a modal preterite or a perfect (40).

In the absolute-relative tenses, before-past is generally expressed by the perfect (1b), although special marking may be employed (42, 43, 44). Other absolute-relative tenses to be employed, are the future perfect (5b, 45, 46) and the future in the past (5a, 47).

In the case of the relative tenses the reference point (R) is supplied by the context, in particular the temporal reference of the main clause. If the present tense is used, the temporal relation to the main clause is open. In subordinate clauses it depends on the conjunction type whether a perfect is employed aspectually as a perfective (4c, 49b, 53) or as a past tense form (52d). In adverbial temporal clauses (54) and foregounded subordinate temporal clauses (55) the present tense is used when subsequent action is described.

The sequence of tenses is employed when tense in subordinate clauses agrees with that of the main clause (e.g. past tense) when an unmarked present tense would have sufficed (57).

[+] Absolute tenses

In the active voice the present tense is expressed by the base form of the verb, such as speelplay or a base form combined with one or more infinitives, as inmag speelmay play, probeer speeltry to play, wil bly speelwould like to keep playing, kan (iets) hêcan have (something), moet (mooi) weesmust be (beautiful) and sit en speelsit and play. In the passive voice the present tense is expressed by the auxiliarywordbecome plus a past participle, as in word gespeel / gespeel word, with further additions of base forms and infinitives, e.g. moet gespeel wordmust be played and wil gesien speel wordwant to be seen playing, where the base forms siensee and speelplay combine to form a past participle inflection .

The present tense is used for stating a mere factuality which does not pose any uncertainty to the speaker (cf. Van Schoor 1983:137)'n blote feitelikheid ... wat vir die spreker geen onsekerheid inhou nie. The present tense should be viewed as an unmarked form of the verb compatible with various temporal contexts which may be defined more closely by adverbials and other means, rather than a multifunctional tense form. The present it refers to may be interpreted as a point in time or period of time centred on speech time (S) or a point in time or period of time following on speech time. Thus (6a) refers to a momentary event in the present, (6b) to an ongoing but short-lived event in the present, (6c) to a much longer ongoing event, (6d) to a future starting from the present moment, (6e) to a past event, (6f) to habitual action and (6g) to what is perceived to be a law of nature.  (6e) is an example of the historic present, i.e. employing the present tense for dramatic effect in contexts with past reference.

Example 6

a. Met 'n knal breek hulle nou deur die klankgrens.
with a bang break.PRS they now through the sound-barrier
With a bang they now break through the sound barrier.
b. Daar vlieg hy nou deur die lug.
there fly.PRS he now through the air
There he is now flying through the air.
c. Dié opvatting raak nou baie algemeen.
this idea become.PRS now very common
This idea is now becoming very common.
d. Hy kom vandag of môre huis toe.
he come.PRS today or tomorrow home to
He is coming home today or tomorrow.
e. Hy kom toe gister huis toe.
he come.PRS then yesterday home to
He then came home yesterday.
f. Hulle noem hom soms 'n diktator.
they call.PRS him sometimes a dictator
They sometimes call him a dictator.
g. Rook trek altyd opwaarts.
smoke move.PRS always upwards
Smoke always moves upwards.

The present as extending from the past through the present and still continuing, with durative interpretation – a sense specially supported by the particlealalready (cf. Donaldson 1993:227) ) - is exemplified by (7).

Example 7

Ek en ou Duduza wonder al hoeka waar jy draai ...
I and old Duduza wonder.PRS already long-ago where you linger.PRS
Old Duduza and I have been wondering for some time where you are lingering.

Durativity is also expressed in the present tense in constructions such as is aan diebe on the (8a) and besig wees om tebe busy to (8b) (cf. Breed and Van Huyssteen 2014, 2015)

Example 8

a. Die twee honde is aan die baklei.
the two dogs be.COP.PRS on the fight.NMLZ.INF
The two dogs are fighting.
b. Sy is besig om te skilder.
she be.COP.PRS busy COMP to paint.INF
She is busy painting.

As an isolated statement, for instance as a reply to a question, an interpretation with past reference is excluded (9a), but past reference is possible if the utterance forms part of a narrative sequence (9b) historic present.

Example 9

a. Waar was julle? - *Ons speel gister in Pretoria.
where be.COP.PRET you we play.PRS yesterday in Pretoria
To mean: Where were you? - We played in Pretoria yesterday.
b. Ons speel gister in Pretoria, toe sak die reën uit.
we play.PRS yesterday in Pretoria then fall.PRS the rain out
We were playing in Pretoria yesterday; then the rain came down.

A proposition in the present tense may also refer to habitual action, as in (2d), or be employed to characterise someone, as in (6f) (cf. De Villiers 1971:20). Though past, present and future are implied, the action in question need not be manifested at speech time (10).

Example 10

Hy rook, maar nie op die oomblik nie.
he smoke.PRS but not on the moment not
He smokes, but is not doing so right now.

Present tense is also used in propositions referring to generally valid or timeless truths (cf. Ponelis 1979:261) , as in (11).

Example 11

Onkruid vergaan nie.
weed perish.PRS not
Weeds do not perish, i.e. that which is bad or not wanted, will survive.

Perfective aspect or completed action may be expressed by the verb weesbe, the adverb klaarfinished and a past participle, as in (12a). This construction is used alongside a hethave perfect, where klaar is optional (12b).

Example 12

a. Ons is klaar geëet/ gesing/ gewerk, etc.
we be.AUX.PRS finished.ADV eat.PST-PTCP / sing.PST-PTCP / work.PST-PTCP
We have finished eating / singing / working.
b. Ons het (klaar) geëet/ gesing/ gewerk, etc
we have.AUX.PRS finished.ADV eat.PST-PTCP / sing.PST-PTCP / work.PST-PTCP
We have (already) eaten / sung / worked, etc.
[+] Future reference

Lyons (1977:677) , though maintaining that futurity “is never a purely temporal concept”, concedes that it is in principle possible for languages to “treat predictions as being grammatically parallel with statements about the past or present”. In (13) a future event is indeed stated as though it matches the present or the past in certainty.

Example 13

Ons speel môre in Pretoria.
we play.PRS tomorrow in Pretoria
We are playing in Pretoria tomorrow.

Future reference is made more explicit by the modal verbs salshall/will (14a) and gaanbe going to (14b) used in a modal or pragmatic sense. When sal is used, senses such as promise, determination, assurance and prediction may be expressed in addition, while gaan also invites interpretations such as determination and assurance.

Example 14

a. Ons sal môre in Pretoria speel.
we will.PRS tomorrow in Pretoria play.INF
We will definitely play / We promise to play in Pretoria tomorrow.
b. Ons gaan môre in Pretoria speel.
we go.PRS tomorrow in Pretoria play.INF
We are bent on / sure to be playing in Pretoria tomorrow.

The use of gaan as future auxiliary, as in (15a) and (15b) was found by Kirsten (2016:138) to have increased in the course of the 20th century.

Example 15

a. Jy gaan móét versigtig wees.
I. Roggeband
you go.PRS must.INF careful be.INF
You are going to have to be careful.
b. Ek gaan dit nie kan doen nie, ek gaan nie elke dag daar kan afgaan en ...
B. Fölscher
I go.PRS it not can.INF do.INF not I go.PRS not every day there can.INF go-down.INF and
I won't be able to do it, I won't be able to go down there every day ...

Other senses of sal are habitual (16a) and epistemic (16b).

Example 16

a. “Toemaar,” sal  hy weer troos.
A. Coetser
never-mind will.PRS he again comfort.INF
"Never mind," he would comfort (her) again.
b. Sy sal haar tog deur oom Petrus laat vertel waar sy moet slaap!
J.M. Gilfillan
she will.PRS her PART by uncle Petrus let.INF tell.INF where she must.PRS sleep
As if she will allow UnclePetrus to tell her where she should sleep!
[+] Historic present

The present tense is widely used, in the spoken language in particular, to conjure up consecutive events in the past as if they were taking place in close proximity to the deictic centres of speaker and addressee. This usage, described inter alia by De Villiers (1971:61-68 ), Van Schoor (1983:132-135) and Donaldson (1993:228-230) , is called the historic present (Afrikaans historiese presens). The sequencing of events in narrative, which correlates with “a moving reference point of time”, is not a characteristic of the tense form used but rather “a property of narrative itself” according to Comrie (1985:61-62) .Thus, instead of past tense forms (17a) the present tense may be used to refer to events situated in the past (17b).

Example 17

a. Ons het gister in Pretoria gespeel; toe het die reën uitgesak.
we have.AUX.PRS yesterday in Pretoria play.PST.PTCP then have.AUX.PRS the rain out-PST.PTCP-drop
We played in Pretoria yesterday, when the rain came down.
b. Ons speel gister in Pretoria; toe sak die reën uit.
we play.PRS in Pretoria yesterday, when drop.PRS the rain out
We played in Pretoria yesterday, when the rain came down

The use of the historic present enhances the dramatic potential of the actions related. The non-verbal clues suggesting distance from the here and now may even be circumvented to heighten the illusion of present action (implying degrees of dramatisation), as in (18b) in contrast to (18a):

Example 18

a. Ons speel toe daardie wedstryd in Pretoria ...
we play.PRS then that game in Pretoria
We then played that game in Pretoria.
b. Nou speel ons hierdie wedstryd in Pretoria ...
now play.PRS we this game in Pretoria
Now we were playing this game in Pretoria ...

The historic present is usually not alternated with the past tense in main clause sequences, as in (19a), unless the narrator wishes to explicitly situate the action in the past (19b), comment on the action itself (19c) or single out a salient event or draw a conclusion (19d).

Example 19

a. ? Ons speel toe die wedstryd, maar 'n harde reënbui het uitgesak.
we play.PRS then the game but a severe downpour have.AUX.PRS out-PST.PTCP-drop
We then played the game but there was a sever downpour
b. Ons het gister op die veld gedraf, toe sien ons dit gaan reën.
we have.AUX.PRS yesterday on the field PST.PTCP-run then see.PRS we it go.PRS rain.INF
We ran onto the field yesterday, when we saw that it was going to rain.
c. Ons draf op die veld, maar die geluk was teen ons, want net toe ons dink ...
we run.PRES on the field but the luck be.PRET against us because just when we think.PRS
We ran on the field, but luck was against us, because just when we thought ...
d. Ons speel toe gister 'n goeie wedstryd, maar die reënbui het alles bederf
we play.PRS then yesterday a good game but the downpour have.AUX.PRS everything spoil.PST-PTCP
We played a good game yesterday, but the downpour spoilt everything.
[+] Past tense

The meaning of the past tense, according to Comrie (1985:41) , is “location in time prior to the present moment”. He states, furthermore, that the “use of the past tense only locates the situation in the past, without saying anything about whether that situation continues to the present or into the future”. The Afrikaans past tense suits this definition in its vagueness, of “location in the past” pure and simple, i.e. E - S,R, without any reference to the remoteness of the event or its relevance to the present. Periphrastic past tense forms are generally employed also with before-past reference or pluperfect function, i.e. E - R - S, though markedly pluperfect forms are also used. On main verbs, past tense is clearly marked morphologically by the perfect, consisting of a past participleInflection and auxiliary (20a),  by one or more modal preterites plus infinitive (20b), in an auxiliary + modal preterite + infinitive construction with realis value (20c) and in infinitive constructions (20d). Modal preterites and perfects may also have modal and other meanings, or combine to express the irrealis, as in (20e).

Example 20

a. Sy het 'n e-pos gestuur.
she have.AUX.PRS an email PST.PTCP-send
She sent an email.
b. Sy moes 'n e-pos stuur.
she must.PRET an email send.INF
She had to send an email.
c. Sy het 'n e-pos moes stuur.
she have.AUX.PRS an email must.PRET send.INF
d. Sy was bly om 'n e-pos te kon gestuur het.
she be.PRET glad COMP an email to can.PRET PST.PTCP-send have.AUX.PRS
She was glad to have been able to send an email.
e. Sy moes eintlik 'n e-pos gestuur het.
she must.PRET really an email PST.PTCP-send have.AUX.PRS
She should really have sent an email.

Next, the periphrastic perfect will be decribed with due reference to contructional and morphological variants, alternations and irregularities, followed by the modal and other preterites, the realis construction and the past infinitive.

[+] The periphrastic perfect

The Afrikaans periphrastic perfect,  typically consisting of the auxiliary hethave + past participle (also in the case of so-called mutative verbs, therefore het gegaanhave gone (cf. Conradie 2015), is a simple past tense like the Dutch, German and English preterite, having replaced the preterite in this function. In appropriate contexts the perfect also functions as a pluperfect absolute-relative tenses, or has perfective aspectual value relative tenses.

As a past tense, the Afrikaans perfect is no "present perfect" as it is in Dutch and English; therefore a distinction between the perfect as referring to a completed event and the preterite (or imperfect) as referring to an action of unlimited duration, or a definition of the perfect as indicating the result of an action continuing into the moment of speaking (cf. Haeseryn et al. (1997:121-125), is not valid for Afrikaans.  The full infinitive (cf. 39) may also incorporate a perfect.The event referred to strictly precedes speech time, i.e. E - S,R, therefore vandagtoday in (21) will only refer to the portion of vandag preceding speech time; future reference is excluded.

Example 21

Hulle het gister of vandag of *môre gespeel.
they have.AUX.PRS yesterday or today or tomorrow PST.PTCP-play
They played yesterday or today or *tomorrow.

A construction consisting of the verb weesbe and an adverbial expression of motion but with ellipsis of the past participle gegaangone, is also used. This construction forms an exception to the use of the perfect by employing 'be' rather than 'have' as auxiliary and moreover relating the event to the present, as in (22a) in contrast to (22b), where present relevance is not implied. Ponelis (1979:268) refers to the process as "go absorption" (gaan-absorpsie).

Example 22

a. Hy is stad toe / huis toe / strand toe, etc.
he be.AUX.PRS town to / home to / beach to
He has gone to town / home/ to the beach, etc.
b. Hy het stad toe / huis toe/ strand toe, etc. gegaan.
he have.AUX.PRS town to / home to / beach to PST.PTCP-go
He went to town / home / to the beach, etc.

A restricted set of intransitive verbs form a perfect with weesbe instead of hethave as auxiliary and an irregular past participle, cf. (23a), (23b) and (23c); troumarry has a variant with het as auxiliary (23d).

Example 23

a. Die baba is gister gebore.
the baby be.AUX.PRS yesterday PST.PTCP-bear
The baby was born yesterday.
b. Sy pa is verlede jaar oorlede.
his father be.AUX.PRS last year die.PST.PTCP
His father died last year.
c. Dié twee is Saterdag getroud.
these two be.AUX.PRS Saturday PST.PTCP-marry
These two got married on Saturday.
d. Hulle het Saterdag in die Kaap getrou.
they have.AUX.PRS Saturday in the Cape PST.PTCP-marry
They got married in the Cape on Saturday.

In instances of verb doubling, e.g. probeertry' + werkword (24a), sitsit + speelplay (24b) or loopwalk/go, staanstand + plantplant (24c) phrasal past participles are formed, e.g.

Example 24

a. Sy het in die hitte (ge) probeer werk.
she have.AUX.PRS in the heat PST.PTCP-try work.INF
She tried to work in the heat.
b. Die kinders het gesit en speel in die tuin.
the children have.AUX.PRS PST.PTCP-sit and play.INF in the garden
The children sat and played in the garden.
c. ... waarop ou dominee ... bloekombome loop staan en plant het
D. Schreuder
where-on old reverend gum trees go.PRS stand.INF and plant.INF have.AUX.PRS
... on which old Reverend went and planted gum trees

The preterite of the copula of the verb 'to be', is was 'was, were'. Past tense is also expressed periphrastically by was ... gewees 'be.PRET be.PST-PTCP' , with was in V2, or gewees het 'be.PST-PTCP have' clause-finally. Rather than being a pluperfect, was gewees is a more emphatic expression of the past tense or gewees simply redundant. Zeman (2015:144) observes that in contemporary colloquial German war gewesen also is a simple preterite rather than being a pluperfect, and the past participle gewesen probably redundant.

The selection of auxiliaries with gewees 'be.PST-PTCP', i.e. 'to be' as a main verb, is asymmetrical in regard to their occurrence in V2 or clause-finally, viz. commonly was ... gewees  and occasionally is/het ... gewees in V2, e.g. (25a), but commonly gewees het (25b) with the exclusion of *gewees is and *gewees was clause-finally.

Example 25

a. Daar is nooit enige aanmelding van die voorval gewees nie.
J. Fouché
there be.AUX.PRS never any reporting of the incident be.PST.PTCP not
There has never been any reporting of the incident.
b. op dae toe die weer gewees het soos daardie eerste keer
D. Matthee
on days when the weather be.PST.PTCP have.AUX.PRS like that first time
on days when the weather was like (it was) that first time

The asymmetry has its roots in 17th century Dutch, with the past participle taking both hebbenhave and zijnbe as auxiliary (cf. Conradie 2015:15) .               

[+] Preterite auxiliaries for main verb 'to be'

Table 1: Preterite auxiliaries for main verb 'to be'
V2 Clause-finally
was was
was ... gewees *gewees was
(is ... gewees) *gewees is
(het ... gewees) gewees het

In combination with modal verbs, only gewees hethas been is found, e.g.

Example 26

Dit moet / moes gedoen gewees het.
it must.PRES / must.PRET PST.PTCP-do have.AUX.PRS
It should have been done, or: It must have been done.

In expressing the past tense, there is a "trading relationship" between modal preterite + infinitive modal and other preterites (27a) and modal present + perfect (i.e. past participle + finite auxiliary hethave) (27b), as a result of the fact that modal verbs such as magmay 'may', behoort teought to and hoef (nie) teneed (not) to have no preterites (27c) - but cf. (27d), with modal preterite as well as perfect. In the spoken language the past tense is often expressed by a redundant perfect after a modal preterite, as in (27e). Note that the addition of a perfect primarily has a non-tense function in that it expresses the irrealis.

Example 27

a. Sy kon wel die concerto speel.
she can.PRET indeed the concerto play.INF
She was indeed able to play the concerto.
b. Sy kan wel die concerto gespeel het.
she can.PRS indeed the concerto PST.PTCP-play have.AUX.PRS
She was indeed able to play the concerto.
c. Ek mag nie in die kring van die manne gekom het nie.
D. Matthee
I may.PRES not in the circle of the men PST.PTCP-come have.AUX.PRS not
I wasn't allowed to enter the circle of the men.
d. daardie tyd mog jy nie laat gekom het nie
M. de Klerk on TV
that time may.PRET you not late PST.PTCP-come have.AUX.PRS not
In those days you were not allowed to be late.
e. Sy kon gister die concerto gespeel het.
she can.PRET yesterday the concerto PST.PTCP-play have.AUX.PRS
She was able to play the concerto yesterday', or: 'She could have played the concerto yesterday.

In the passive voice the past tense is expressed mainly by the auxiliary isam/is/are + past participle (28a), but instead of is, sometimes by waswas/were 'was, were' (28b) (cf. Kirsten (2015) and Kirsten (2016) on the use of waswas/were instead of isam.is.are). In (28d) past tense is signalled by the preterite of wilwant to, followed by two participial constructions. Instead of is or was as auxiliary, the perfect of 'to be' (28c) or even of wordbecome is used; for the latter cf. (28e).

Example 28

a. Die concerto is gister deur Mariska gespeel.
the concerto be.AUX.PRS yesterday by Mariska PST.PTCP-play
The concerto was played by Mariska yesterday.
b. Die concerto was baie mooi gespeel.
the concerto be.AUX.PRET very beautifully PST.PTCP-play
The concerto was played very beautifully.
c. Dis goed dat hierdie concerto gespeel gewees het.
it-is good that this concerto PST.PTCP-play PST.PTCP-be have.AUX.PRS
It's good that this concerto was (being) played.
d. Sy wou ook onthou gewees het en bo alles liefgehê word.
Beeld, 13 Oct. 2015, p.13
she want-to.PRET remember.PST.PTCP PST.PTCP-be have.AUX.PRS and above all love-PST.PTCP-have become.INF
She always wanted to be remembered and above all be loved.
e. Ek het moeg geslaan geword, want sien, ek is ook 'n vroue-dominee.
Beeld, 28/6/2005
I have.AUX.PRS tired PST.PTCP-hit PST.PTCP-become because see.IMP I be.COP.PRS also a women-preacher.'
I got tired of being battered, because, (you) see, I am also a woman preacher.
[+] Modal and other preterites

In spite of their being a limited set, past tense is often expressed by the preterites of modal verbs in combination with other verbs, e.g. sou (< salshall/will’), kon (< kancan, wou (< wilwant to), moes (<moetmust), mog (obsolete, <magmay), and the preterites was (< weesbe), hadhad (auxiliary /main verb, obsolete, < hethave), dog/dagbe under the impression (< dinkthink) and wis (obsolete, < weetknow). The preterites that are not obsolete have a high frequency in the standard language, in some cases coupled with functions not found in Dutch. Thus even the full infinitive may utilise a modal preterite to express past tense preterite infinitive.

In a longitudinal corpus-based study, Kirsten (2016:112) found that the usage of hadhad both as main verb and pluperfect auxiliary, dropped to almost zero between 1920 and 1941, with sporadic usage of the main verb (but not the auxiliary) found until the present time. It is still encountered in the literary register, cf. (29). Several examples from late 20th century Afrikaans literature are quoted by Visser (1992:69) .

Example 29

Briewe had 'n geur.
E. van Heerden
letters have.PRET a scent
Letters had a scent.

Waswas/were, dogthought and wisknew, for instance, express past tense in the following way:

Example 30

a. Sy was gister in die Kaap.
she be.COP.PRET yesterday in the Cape
She was in the Cape yesterday.
b. Ek dog julle kom nie meer nie.
I think.PRET you com.PRS not any-more not
I thought you weren't coming any more.
c. Die arme slagoffer wis van niks.
the poor victim know.PRET of nothing
The poor victim didn't know what was going on.

According to Donaldson (1993:223), dag/dogthought (and their participles gedag/gedog) are not used “when ‘thinking of’ someone or something” or with reference to the mental activity of thinking. It is often used in the sense of 'to think mistakenly' (Ponelis 1979:191) or, more generally, 'to be under the impression' that something was the case, cf.

Example 31

a. Ek dag ek’t die agterste hekkie hoor oopgaan.
C. Diedericks-Hugo
I think.PRET I=have.AUX.PRS the rear gate.DIM hear open-INF-go
I thought I'd heard the rear gate opening.
b. Sy dog maar net ek sou wou weet .
D. Snyman
she think.PRET just only I shall.PRET will.PRET know.INF
She was just thinking that I would like to know.
c. Hy dog dis maar die kleintjies se werk.
E. van Rooyen
he think.PRET it=be.PRS only the little-ones GEN work
He thought it was only the little ones' doings.

Surprisingly, dog/dag is occasionally encountered as a "pure" past tense of dinkthink (32a), and even as a bare infinitive (32b) and as part of a full infinitive (32c).

Example 32

a. Ek dog naderhand aan die ou storie wat ...
J.C. Steyn
I think.PRET later-on on the old story which ...
Later on I thought of the old story which ...
b. 'n Man vir spieëls, sou hy dog ...
E. van Heerden
A man for mirrors, will.PRET he think.PRET
A man for mirrors, he would think ...
c. Dis net ons spulletjie wat dom genoeg was om te dog 'n gesellige vuur is 'n onmisbare deel van enige buitelugvakansie.
M. van der Vyfer
it-be.PRS only our little-group.DIM that stupid enough be.PRET COMP to think.PRET a cosy fire be.PRS an indispensable part of any open-air-holiday
It's only our little group who were stupid enough to think a cosy fire was an unmistakeable part of any outdoor holiday.

In a diachronic corpus study, Kirsten (2016:113, 115) found that the modal preterite mogmight, and the preterites wisknew and dag/dogthought had wellnigh disappeared between 1920 and 1941.

Modal preterites have past tense reference in roughly 50% of cases. Visser (Visser 1992:91) concludes on the basis of a 20th century corpus study that the division between past tense and modal usage  in Afrikaans modal preterites is roughly equal (modal usage being about 52%), though in different proportions for the different modals - salshall/will, for instance, having predominantly modal usage.

Example 33

Hulle sou/kon/wou/moes gister die concerto speel.
they will.PRET/ can.PRET/ want-to.PRET/ have-to.PRET the concerto play
They would have/ were able to / wanted to / had to play the concerto yesterday.

Modal preterites are often linked in sequences of as many as three items in agreement (referred to as “preterite assimilation” by Ponelis (1979:270-271) with textual cohesion as possible function, cf. the preterite koncould in (34).

Example 34

Niemand sou ooit weer haar hele hart in sy hande kon hou en daarmee maak wat hy wou nie.
A. Coetser
nobody will.PRET ever again her whole heart in his hands can.PRET hold and there-with make.INF what he want-to.PRET
No one would ever again be able to hold her whole heart in his hands and do with it whatever he wished.
[+] The realis construction

Afrikaans has a past tense form resembling the perfect, with explicit realis function, consisting of the auxiliary hethave + a modal verb + main verb. Though the modal may be a present, it is typically a preterite, as in (35).

Example 35

Sy het ander mense se klere moes was en stryk.
J. le Roux
she have.AUX.PRS other people GEN clothes must.PRET wash.INF and iron.INF
She had to wash and iron other people's clothes.

This construction differs from (36a), which, if anything, is a marked irrealis, and cannot appear in a subordinate clause (36b)(adapted to make the difference clearer), while (36a) can appear in a subordinate clause, as exemplified by (36c).

Example 36

a. Sy moes ander mense se klere gewas en stryk het.
she must.PRET other people GEN clothes PST.PTCP-wash and iron.INF have.AUX.PRS
She had to wash and iron other people's clothes (but didn't).
b. *dat sy ander mense se klere moes was het
that she other people GEN clothes must.PRET was.INF have.AUX.PRS
To mean: that she had to wash other people's clothes
c. dat sy ander mense se klere moes gewas het
that she other people GEN clothes must.PRET PST.PTCP-was have.AUX.PRS
that she had to wash other people's clothes (but didn't)

Other modals are also used, as in (37a) and (37b). In the latter example the realis interpretation is cancelled by negative polarity.

Example 37

a. al het ek op my tone op die tafel mog kyk
B. Breytenbach
even-though have.AUX.PRES I on my toes on the table may.PRET look.INF
even though I was allowed to peer onto the table standing on my toes
b. Selfs onder mekaar het hulle dit nie 'n naam wou gee nie.
P.G. du Plessis
even under one-another have.AUX.PRS they it not a name want-to.PRET give.INF not
Even amongst one another they didn't want to give it a name.

The realis construction is presumably an adaptation of the realis member of the Dutch construction pair (38a) and (38b), in which realis and irrealis interpretations are contrasted; the irrealis construction would have been ruled out in Afrikaans along with the loss of the preterite form hadhad.

Example 38

a. Zij heeft de kleren moeten wassen.
she have.AUX.PRS the clothes must.INF wash.INF
She had to wash the clothes (and did so).
b. Zij had de kleren moeten wassen.
she have.AUX.PRET the clothes must.INF wash.INF
She had to wash the clothes (but didn't).
[+] The preterite infinitive

Full infinitives functioning as subordinate clauses may express the past tense, as in (39a) and (39b) or reflect the past tense in the sequence of tenses, as in (39c). In (39d) a modal preterite and the perfect are found to co-occur.

Example 39

a. 'n Mens kan 'n digter wees sonder om iets te gesê het, te geskryf het.
C.  Barkhuizen le Roux
a person can.PRS a poet be.INF without COMP something to PST.PTCP-sayhave to PST.PTCP-write have.AUX.PRS
One can be a poet without having said anything, without having written anything.
b. Al wat ek hoef te gedoen het, was om my oë toe te maak.
J. van Tonder
all that I need.PRS to PST.PTCP-do have be.PRET COMP my eyes closed.ADJ to make.INF
All I had to do was to close my eyes.
c. Uiteindelik het dit net te veel kere gebeur om toeval te kon wees.
A.P. Brink
eventually have it only too many times happen.PST.PTCP COMP coincidence to can.PRET be.INF
In the end it simply happened too many times to have been a coincidence.
d. En om Rietvallei terug te kon gekoop het.
J. Kruger
and COMP Rietvallei back to can.PRET PST.PTCP-buy have.AUX.PRS
And to have been able to buy back Rietvallei.
[+] Absolute-relative tenses

Comrie (1985:125) characterises absolute-relative tenses, such as the pluperfect and future perfect,  as tenses having “a reference point ... relative to the present moment”,  and a situation “located in time relative to that reference point”.

In the active voice the ‘twice removed’ past (E – R – S) is generally expressed by the perfect, particularly since the preterite hadhad has become virtually obsolete, rendering the pluperfect, consisting of hadhad + past participle, obsolete as well. Non-verbal contextual indications such as the adverbials alall/already, reedsalreadyalreedsalready, klaaralready/finish or al klaaralready finished, are required to indicate before-past reference (R, E – S), as in (40a), where the lion had already disappeared when he took the photo, as against (40b), where the disappearance of the lion coincided with the taking of the photo and only past tense is expressed.

Example 40

a. Toe hy die foto neem, het die leeu reeds verdwyn.
when he the photo take.PRS have.AUX.PRS the lion already disappear.PST.PTCP
When he took the photo the lion had already disappeared.
b. Eers toe hy die foto neem, het die leeu verdwyn.
only when he the photo take.PRS have.AUX.PRS the lion disappear.PST.PTCP
Only when he took the photo the lion disappeared.

A double past participle construction is sometimes employed in the active voice as a pluperfect (cf. Donaldson 1993:233), as in (41).

Example 41

Toe die son begin sak, het sy al ver geloop gehad.
D. Matthee
when the sun begin.PRS set.INF have.AUX.PRS she already far PST.PTCP-walk PST.PTCP-have
When the sun began to set she had already walked far.

In a longitudinal corpus-based study, Kirsten (2016:112) found that the usage of hadhad both as main verb and pluperfect auxiliary, dropped to almost zero between 1920 and 1941, with sporadic usage of the main verb (but not the auxiliary) found until the present time. Had constructions are still encountered in the literary register, perhaps to express a certain ‘quaintness', e.g.

Example 42

a. Lank gelede, toe God die wêreld klaar gemaak had ... sodat almal genoeg had ...
D. Matthee
long ago when God the world complete PST.PTCP-make have.PRET so-that all enough have.PRET
Long ago, when God had finished making the world ... sothat everyone had enough ...
b. Dat donker wolke besig was om saam te trek, had niemand toe vermoed nie.
M. Bakkes
that dark cloud busy be.PRET COMP together to move.INF have.PRET nobody then suspect.PST.PTCP not
That dark clouds were gathering, nobody was suspecting at the time.

In the passive the pluperfect is likewise generally expressed by the perfect, i.e. the auxiliary isam/is/are + past participle, but may also be expressed by waswas/were + past participle (43). Kirsten (2016:131, 152) ascribed the preference for was instead of is to a need to refer to a remote past ("gedistansieerde verlede tyd"), but found that the use of was as pluperfect auxiliary in the passive declined strongly in the course of the 20th century.

Example 43

Toe die huis klaar gebou is/was, het hulle ingetrek.
when the house finished PST.PTCP-build be.AUX.PRS/PRET have.AUX.PRS they in-PST.PTCP-move
When the house had been built, they moved in.

The future perfect is characterised by the fact that both speech time (S) and the event (E) precede the reference point (R), but no temporal relation is established between S and E (Comrie 1985:126) , so that both E - S - R and S - E - R may be the case. The future perfect is usually expressed by a modal verb with future reference plus a perfect (i.e. past participle + hethave), as in (45a), or the perfect only, if the context is sufficiently clear, as in (44b).

Example 44

a. Teen Maandag twaalfuur wil hy sy verantwoordelikhede nagekom het.
J. Fouché
by Monday twelve-o'clock want-to.PRS he his responsibilities ful-PST.PTCP-fill have.AUX.PRS
By twelve o'clock on Monday he wants to have fulfilled his responsibilities.
b. Teen Maandag twaalfuur het hy sy verantwoordelikhede nagekom.
by Monday twelve-o'clock have.AUX.PRS he his responsibilities ful-PST.PTCP-fill
By twelve o'clock on Monday he will have fulfilled his responsibilities.

While (45a) is a future perfect, (45b), with the infinitive of the main verbhave, is only a future (S - R,E), as reference is only to completion by an unknown agent at some point in the future.

Example 45

a. Teen môremiddag sal hulle die werk gedoen het.
by tomorrow-afternoon will.PRS they the work PST.PTCP-do have.AUX.PRS
By tomorrow afternoon they will have done the work.
b. Teen môremiddag sal hulle die werk gedoen /klaar .
by tomorrow-afternoon will.PRS they the work done.ADJ / finished.ADJ have.INF
By tomorrow afternoon they will have the work done/ finished.

The future in the past is similar to the future perfect in that, while the reference point precedes speech time (i.e. R – S), the event may precede or follow speech time (i.e. R - E – S or R - S - E, e.g.

Example 46

Mandela, wat toe op Robbeneiland was, sou later president van SA word.
Mandela who then on Robben Island be.COP.PRET will.PRET later-on president of SA become.INF
Mandela, who was on Robben Island at the time, would become president of SA later on.
[+] Relative tenses

Comrie (1985:56) ) defines relative tense as a type of tense “where the reference point for location of a situation is some point in time given by the context, not necessarily the present moment”.  The reference point may be situated in a preceding coordinate clause or, in respect to a subordinate clause, in its matrix or main clause. Thus relativity is in evidence in

Example 47

Toe hy die voëltjie gevang het en dit in sy hand hou, het hy berou gevoel.
DeVilliers 1971:50
when he the bird-DIM PST.PTCP-catch have.AUX.PRS and it in his hand hold.PRS have.AUX.PRS he remorse PST.PTCP-feel
When he had caught the little bird and held it in his hand, he felt remorse.

where the perfect gevang het precedes present tense hou in time, and gevang het expresses a before-past in the context of the past tense main clause. The tense employed in a subordinate clause in relation to its matrix clause depends to a certain extent on the type of clause involved, e.g. whether it is a nominal clause, a relative clause or a temporal clause (cf. De Villiers 1971:52-57). The present discussion will be restricted to temporal clauses and only those commencing with the conjunctions terwylwhile, nadatafter and toewhen/while/after.

De Villiers (1971:49-50) ) points out that the present tense in some Afrikaans subordinate clauses indicates simultaneity (‘gelyktydigheid’) with that of the matrix clause, while a perfect in such a clause would indicate preceding events or completion (‘voorgaande gebeure of voltooidheid’), a before-past when embedded in a past tense matrix clause. In sentences with future reference, the perfect would indicate the future perfect. Relative tenses will be examined as they are found in the subordinate clauses of the following sentence types: (a) subordinate temporal clause + main clause; (b) main clause + adverbial temporal clause, and (c) main clause + subordinate temporal clause.

The main clauses of (48a) and (48b) are interpreted as past tense after a subordinate temporal clause introduced by the conjunction toewhen (as they would have been interpreted when containing the adverb toethen). The question that arises, is to what extent the tense of the temporal clause - present tense in (48a) and perfect in (48b) - determines the temporal, and even causal, relationship between subordinate and main clause. (48a) is open to a variety of interpretations, dependant only on what seems physically possible, e.g. the glass broke while the wine was being poured; the glass broke after he had started pouring the wine; the glass broke immediately after he had poured the wine, etc. In all cases the pouring of the wine might have been the cause of the breaking of the glass. In (48b) it is unlikely that the events of pouring and drinking would be simultaneous rather than consecutive, so that the perfect in the temporal clause would have a perfective function, i.e. support the interpretation that the event of pouring was completed before the drinking took place, or that pouring the wine preceded drinking it. It therefore seems likely that while in this type of clause a perfect has a perfective function (giving rise to a before-past or pluperfect reading), an (unmarked) present tense form, as in (48a), rather than indicating simultaneity, leaves the temporal relationship open to a variety of interpretations.

Example 48

a. Toe hy die wyn inskink, breek die glas.
when he the wine in-pour.PRS break.PRS the glass
When he poured/ was pouring the wine, the glass broke.
b. Toe hy die wyn ingeskink het, drink hy daarvan.
when he the wine in-PST.PTCP-pour have.AUX.PRS drink.PRES he there-from
When he had poured the wine, he drank some of it.

Another factor to consider, however, is the part played by the formal contrast between subordinate clause perfect and main clause present, even though the latter signifies past tense. If the main clause is rephrased as perfect tense, as in (49), the sequential interpretation of (48b) is still possible, but the formal similarity of the tense forms will make simultaneity a possible interpretation: 'When he was busy pouring the wine, he was also drinking some of it.'

Example 49

Toe hy die wyn ingeskink het, het hy daarvan gedrink.
when he the wine in-PST.PTCP-pour have.AUX.PRS have.AUX.PRS he therefrom PST.PTCP-drink
When he was pouring the wine, he drank some of it.

(50a) and (50b) represent two more instances of a present tense toe clause plus present tense main clause with past tense interpretation, as in (48a). In (50a) a simultaneity interpretation is supported by qualifying toe by netonly, viz. net toejust when. In (50b), with the same temporal configuration as (50a), a sequence and perhaps a causal relation is implied. This once again illustrates the open interpretation made possible by a present tense toe clause.

Example 50

a. : .....en net toe die varkie skree-skree verbynael, gooi sy die mandjie netjies oor hom .....
M. Heese
and just when the piglet squeal squeal.REDUP past-race.PRS throw.PRS she the basket neat.ADV over him
... and just when the piglet raced past, squealing continously, she neatly threw the basket over it ...
b. Toe hy die koevert oplig, val die boonste foto sommer uit.
C. Luyt
when he the envelope up-lift.PRS fall.PRS the uppermost photo just out
When he lifted up the envelope the uppermost photo just fell out.

The conjunction terwyl  ‘while’ restricts the event depicted in a subordinate clause to simultaneity with that in the main clause. All tense combinations in (51) produce acceptable sentences. In all cases a repetitive or habitual interpretation (not supplied in the translations below) is possible, e.g. 'While they eat they (usually) sing together.' The present tense in the terwyl clauses of (51a) and (51c) makes simultaneity possible. The perfect in the terwyl clause of (51d) cannot have a perfective interpretation as that would exclude interclausal simultaneity; it is therefore to be interpreted as a past tense in anticipation of the past tense of the main clause. (51b) is the least acceptable as the perfective interpretation suggested by the perfect in the subordinate clause is in conflict with a simultaneity interpretation.

Example 51

a. Terwyl hulle eet, sing hulle saam.
while they eat.PRS sing.PRS they together
While they are eating, they are singing together.
b. Terwyl hulle geëet het, sing hulle saam.
while they PST.PTCP-eat have.AUX.PRS sing.PRS they together
While they were eating they sang together.
c. Terwyl hulle eet, het hulle saamgesing.
while they eat.PRS hav.AUX.PRS they together-PST.PTCP-sing
While they were eating they sang together.
d. Terwyl hulle geëet het, het hulle saamgesing.
while they PST.PTCP-eat have.AUX.PRS have.AUX.PRS they together-PST.PTCP- sing
While they were eating they sang together.

The conjunction nadatafter imposes a consecutive reading on two related clauses, requiring that the events they refer to, be clearly separated. This requires the period covered by the subordinate clause to be delimited by the use of the perfect in perfective function (52a), so that a present tense form in the subordinate clause renders the sentence unacceptable, as in (52b).

Example 52

a. Nadat hulle geëet het, het hulle gesing.
after they PST.PTCP-eat have.AUX.PRS hav.AUX.PRSe they PST.PTCP-sing
After they had eaten they sang.
b. *Nadat hulle eet, sing hulle/ het hulle gesing.
after they eat.PRS sing.PRS they/ have.AUX.PRS they PST.PTCP-sing

In sum, while a perfect in a subordinate temporal clause may directly signal past tense (cf. 49, 51b, 51d) or temporal completion or delimitation indicating a sequence of events, and indirectly a pluperfect (cf. 48b, 49, 52a), a subordinate temporal clause with a verb in the present tense, may be interpreted in a broad temporal spectrum including simultaneity, temporal overlap and sequentiality. As a relative form, the perfect is therefore employed both as past tense form and to indicate perfective aspect, depending on the requirements of the context.

While the temporal clauses described above generally provide background information relevant to their foregrounded main clauses, cf. (53a), (53b) and (53c) illustrate a sentence type (cf. Ponelis (1979:340-341) consisting of interdependent clauses, the second of which is temporal in nature but introduced by the adverbtoethen. Nog soall-the-time in (53b) provides a link with the topicalised adverb toethen. Rather than providing background to the previous clause, the second clause foregrounds a new event in the sequence of events. As the verb is typically an unmarked present tense form (siensien and komcome in (53b) and (53c), respectively), it may be subsumed under the relative tenses.

Example 53

a. Toe hy nog so deur die venster kyk, sien hy die leeu.
when he up-to-now through the window look.PRS see.PRS he the lion
While he was still looking through the window, he saw the lion.
b. Hy kyk nog so deur die venster, toe sien hy die leeu.
he look.PRS all-the-time through the window then see.PRS he the lion
He was still looking through the window, then he saw the lion.
c. Sy is nie lank in haar kamer nie, toe kom mevrou Vogel ... daar aan.
E.K.M. Dido
she be.PRS not long in her room not then come.PRS Mrs Vogel there on
She wasn't in her room for long, then Mrs Vogel made an appearance.

In the following construction,  popular in literary style, the two clauses are even more tightly integrated. New information is introduced through a subordinate temporal clause commencing with the conjunctiontoewhen and a verb in the unmarked present tense. Note that the two clauses are not reversible as in the case of most sentences from (48) to (53a); thus (54b) is not equivalent to (54a).

Example 54

a. Hy kyk nog so deur die venster, toe hy die leeu sien.
he look.PRS all-the-time through the window when he the lion see.PRS
He was still looking through the window, when he saw the lion.
b. Toe hy die leeu sien,  kyk hy nog so deur die venster.
when he the lion see.PRS look.PRS he all-the-time through the window
When he saw the lion he was still looking through the window.

In these and the following examples the new clause is in the present tense; being the next in a sequence of events, neither an explicit past tense nor perfective aspect as expressed by the perfect would be suitable.

Example 55

a. Hulle sit net so lui-lui in die effense sonnetjie toe ’n man met ’n outydse kamera ... haar oog vang.
M. Volschenk
they sit.PRS only so lazy.REDUP in the slight sun.DIM when a man with an old-time camera her eye catch.PRS
They were sitting lazily in the slight sunlight when a man with an oldfashioned camera caught her eye.
b. Wel, ek wou net-net wegraak toe die luidspreker buite aangaan.
M. Leroux-Van der Boon
well I want-to.PRET just.REDUP doze-off.INF when the loudspeaker outside on-PRS-go
Well, I was just going to doze off when the loudspeaker came on outside.

Afrikaans also partakes of the so-called sequence of tenses, here defined as the utilisation of a specific tense form agreeing with that in its matrix clause when an unmarked form such as the present tense form would suffice. Adhering to the sequence of tenses is always optional in Afrikaans, i.e. a stylistic choice. Examples are:

Example 56

a. Hulle het gesê hulle sal môre kom/ sou môre kom.
they have.AUX.PRS say.PST-PTCP they will.PRS tomorrow come.INF/ will.PRET tomorrow come.INF.
They said they will/ would come tomorrow
b. Terwyl hy deur die venster kyk/ gekyk het, het hy die leeu gesien.
while he through the window look.PRS/ PST.PTCP-look have.AUX.PRS have.AUX.PRS he the lion PST.PTCP-see
While he looks/ was looking through the window he saw the lion.
c. Toe hy deur die venster gekyk het, sien hy / het hy die leeu gesien
when he through the window look.PST-PTCP have.AUX.PRS see.PRS he / have.AUX.PRS he the lion PST.PTCP-see
When he looked through the window, he see/ saw the lion.
d. Sy het gewonder of dit sal/ sou werk.
she have.AUX.PRS wonder.PST-PTCP if it will.PRS / will.PRET work.INF
She wondered whether it will/ would work.
e. Ons sal laat weet wanneer ons die huis verkoop/ sal/ gaan verkoop.
we will.PRS let.INF know.INF when we the house sell.PRS/ will.PRS/ go.PRS sell.INF
We will inform (you) when we sell/ will/ are going to sell the house.
f. Ek het geluister na iemand wat 'n storie vertel/ vertel het.
I have.AUX.PRS listen.PST-PTCP to somebody who a story tell.PRS/ vertel.PST.PTCP have.AUX.PRS
I listened to somebody who tell/ told a story.
  • Gold, David L1998An instance of convergence: Frisian witte and Yiddish mideyeLeuvense Bijdragen87151-153
  • Gold, David L1998An instance of convergence: Frisian witte and Yiddish mideyeLeuvense Bijdragen87151-153
  • Gold, David L1998An instance of convergence: Frisian witte and Yiddish mideyeLeuvense Bijdragen87151-153
  • Gold, David L1998An instance of convergence: Frisian witte and Yiddish mideyeLeuvense Bijdragen87151-153
  • Gold, David L1998An instance of convergence: Frisian witte and Yiddish mideyeLeuvense Bijdragen87151-153
  • Gold, David L1998An instance of convergence: Frisian witte and Yiddish mideyeLeuvense Bijdragen87151-153
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