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Selecting a bare infinitive
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The copula geango shares with bliuwestay the property that it combines with a restricted set of bare infinitives: the four verbs of body posture. These are: sittesit, steanstand, lizzelie and hingjehang. An example is given below:

Example 1

Hy gong heal oer Martha hinne lizzen
he went half over Martha POST lie
He crawled halfway on top of Martha
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The copula geanstay shares a property with bliuwestay. Both auxiliaries select a restricted set of bare infinitives, namely the four verbs of body posture (sittesit, steanstand, lizzelie and hingjehang, see copulas of quasi body posture and aspect for more details). We provide two examples in which the complement of geango is headed by a verb of body posture:

Example 2

a. Mei de oare manlju giet er yn 'e lijte fan 'e keet stean
with the other men goes he in the lee of the shed stand
With the other men, he went to stand in the lee of the shed
b. Gerk mei de hûnekarre, dêr't wy efteroan hingjen gienen
Gerk with the dog.car which we behind hang.GI go
Gerk with the dogcart, which we would hang on from behind

The verb hingjehang can be both intransitive and transitive, but it is only the intransitive verb which combines with the verb of going. The transitive verb does not combine with the verb of going:

Example 3

a. Hy hinget de wask oan 'e line
he hangs the washed.clothes on the line
He hangs the wahshing on the clothesline
b. ?*Hy giet de wask oan 'e line hingjen
he hangs the washed.clothes on the line hang
He is going to hang the washing on the clothesline

The verb geango does not combine with subjects which do not have an agentive role, such as inanimate subjects. This explains the following contrast:

Example 4

a. *De wask giet oan 'e line hingjen
the washed clothes go on the line hang
The washing is going to hang on the line
b. Epke giet oan 'e line hingjen
Epke go on the line hang
Epke is going to hang on the line

Non-agentive subjects require the unaccusative copula of coming followed by a to-infinitive, as in the sentence below (see kommecome for more details):

Example 5

De wask komt oan 'e line te hingjen
the washed clothes comes on the line to hang
The washing is going on the line

The bare infinitive takes the form of a gerund with the copula of going. An ordinary infinitive is not allowed:

Example 6

*Gerk mei de hûnekarre, dêr't wy efteroan hingje gienen
Gerk with the dog.car which we behind hang.OI go
Gerk with the dogcart, which we would hang on from behind

Geango does not combine with any other bare infinitive apart from the four verbs of body posture, more specifically, it does not combine with some verbs which bliuwestay combines with and which express permanence (non-change) of location:

Example 7

a. ?*In staak fan it laach giet wenjen op 'e âlde Holdinga State ûnder Eanjum
a branch of the lineage goes living at the old Holdinga manor below Eangjum
Members of a branch of the lineage went to live at the ancient Holdinga manor south of Eangjum
b. *Oars giet de auto yn de snie stykjen
Otherwise goes the car in the snow stick
Otherwise the car will get stuck in the snow

The example with wenjelive sounds better than the example with stykjestick. Indeed, even nineteenth-century literature occasionally features an example involving wenjelive, as in the example below from the writer Waling Dykstra:

Example 8

Dêr wol hja mei in faam yn stilte wenjen gean
there wants she with a maid in quiet live go
She wants to go and live there quietly with a maid

The copula geango is still grounded in a locative interpretation, although it may acquire an overtone of inchoative aspect. In Dutch, this copula is quite generally used for inchoative and future aspect. The locative aspect of geango in Frisian is visible from the fact that it seems to be more frequently accompanied by a locative phrase than Dutch gaango, and this correlates with its selectional restrictions, although it is not clear how exactly. Note that the selection restrictions of geango and other auxiliary verbs are currently changing due to pressure from Dutch, so that spoken language and informal written language may feature violations of the system described here.

Geango, unlike bliuwestay, does not combine with verbs which have been morphologically derived from the verbs of body posture mentioned above:

Example 9

*De kâns op in buike giet bestean as de luchtdruk sakket
the chance of a shower goes exist when the air pressure goes.down
The possibility of a shower may arise when the air pressure goes down

In general, geango does not combine with the infinitive of verbs other than the ones mentioned above: the following are ungrammatical:

Example 10

a. *It giet reinen
it goes rain
It will rain
b. *Hy giet God oanroppen
he goes God to.call
He is going to invoke God

Standard Frisian differs from Standard Dutch with respect to selectional restrictions on bare infinitives in the complements of the locational inchoative copula. So the word by word translation equivalents of the two sentences in (10) are grammatical in Dutch. The sentences above can be expressed in grammatical Frisian by choosing a different construction. So the advent of rain can be described by a specific idiom or by choosing a modal auxiliary:

Example 11

a. It siket om rein
it looks for rain
It will probably rain
b. It koe wol reine wolle
it could DcP rain want
It might well begin to rain
c. It sil reine
it shall rain
It will rain

The inchoative auxiliary begjinnebegin can also be used:

Example 12

Hy begjint God oan te roppen
he begins God to to call
He begins to call on God
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