- Dutch
- Frisian
- Afrikaans
- Dutch
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
- Frisian
- Introduction to Frisian
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Afrikaans
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans Vowels
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans Consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The alveolar fricatives /s/ and /z/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans Vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological Processes
- Phonotactics
- Segment inventory
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1. Characterization and classification
- 2. Binominal Constructions
- 3. Modification
- The modification of a Head Noun in a Noun Phrase (Overview)
- The modification of the head N of a NP: (In)definite Pronouns
- The modification of head Nouns: Numerals
- The modification of Names
- The modification of substantive nouns: Articles
- The modification of substantive nouns: Demonstratives
- The modification of substantive nouns: Determiners
- Modification of substantive nouns: Genitive forms
- The modification of substantive nouns: Quantifiers
- The modification of substantive nouns: Questions and the relative pronoun welke 'which'
- 5. Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and Degree Quantification
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1. Characterization and classification
- 3. Alternations
- 5. Complement Clauses
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- Phonology
-ster/stər/ is an unstressed, stress-neutral, productive, cohering Germanic suffix that creates nouns of common gender denoting female persons. Inputs are either verb stems or deverbal function names derived by means of -aar or -ier.
-ster formation | base |
werksterfemale worker, cleaning lady | < werken.Vto work |
wandelaarsterfemale walker | < wandel-aar.Nwalker |
winkeliersterfemale shopkeeper | < winkel-ier.Nshopkeeper |
As -ster derivations are of common gender, they take the definite singular article de. The plural of -ster formations is construed with -s.
The suffix -ster/stər/ is a nominalizing Germanic suffix of unclear origin (see Etymologiebank) that can be used productively to create nouns of common gender referring to female persons. It is the counterpart of nominalizations with the suffix -er (which may be seen as an instance of affix substitution) or it uses as its basis nominalizations in -aar and -ier.
According to Booij (2002:103), -ster is "primarily deverbal": a nonce formation*plogster will be interpreted by native speakers as a derivation from the (non-existing) verb *ploggen. Booij adds, however, that "speakers of Dutch tend to interpret this pattern as the substitution of -er with -ster after a nominal stem", i.e., in the case in hand, from *plogger.
In writing, formations such as operasteropera star may look like -ster derivations, but in fact, these formations are compounds with ster/stεr/star as right-hand part. Written forms like voetbalster are ambiguous between compound /ˌvut.bɑl.ˈstεr/football star (pl. voetbalsterren)) and /ˈvut.bɑl.stər/female football player (pl. voetbalsters).
It has been claimed (Van Marle 1985) that -e is the default feminizing suffix, implying that -ster derivations are exceptional; Booij (2002:103) argues that this claim is too strong.
- -ster functions as the counterpart of deverbal -er formations, which can be seen as a case of paradigmatic word formation or affix substitution, because (unlike affix sequences such as -ier-ster and -aar-ster, cf. below) the affix sequence -er-ster does not occur. Verbal bases can be both simplex (e.g. kapsterfemale hairdresser corresponding to kapperhairdresser < kappento cut, to chop) or complex (ontvangsterfemale receiver next to ontvangerreceiver, tax-collector < ont-vangento receive). If for whatever reason an -er derivation is impossible, then so is a derivation with -ster: no *valler or *valster on the basis of ergative vallento fall, no *schamer or *schaamster from obligatory reflexive zich schamento be ashamed, no *blijker or *blijkster from subjectless blijkento turn out. If the stem of the formation in -er has a special form, then so has the one in -ster, e.g. reizigster with extra -ig- next to reizigertraveller (< reizento travel), tegenstandster with stem allomorphy next to tegenstanderopponent (< tegenstaanagainst-standto oppose).
-ster formations as counterparts of non-deverbal -er derivations are rare: no *rechtster as female counterpart to rechterjudge, no *tienster next to tienerteenager, no *Amsterdamster next to Amsterdammersomeone from Amsterdam. De Haas and Trommelen (1993:191) do, however, list examples such as dagloonsterfemale day laborer (cf. daglonerday laborer < dagloonday's pay), wetenschapsterfemale scientist (cf. wetenschapperscientist < wetenschapknowledge-shipscience), misdadigsterfemale criminal (cf. misdadigercriminal < misdaadwrong-deedcrime), vrijwilligsterfemale volunteer (cf. vrijwilligervolunteer < vrijwilligfree-will-SUFFvoluntarily) and VVD'sterfemale member or supporter of the political party VVD (cf. VVD'ermember or supporter of the political party VVD), which may all be analyzed as cases of affix substitution.
- Regular deverbal -aar formations get, in principle, a female counterpart in -ster: wandelaar-sterfemale walker, verzamelaarsterfemale collector. The same holds for certain other -aar derivations: beoordelaarsterfemale evaluator (< beoordelento evaluate), leugenaarsterfemale lier (< leugen.Nlie). -ster also attaches to person names with suffix -ier, e.g. winkeliersterwinkel-ier-sterfemale shop keeper and avonturiersteravontuur-ier-sterfemale adventurer.
In some cases, we do not find -ster but rather -er + -es, e.g. zieneresprophetess is much more frequent than ziensterprophetess. Certain other -er derivations allegedly have no female counterpart at all, De Haas and Trommelen (1993: 155) mention middenstandermiddle-class-ershopkeeper and opzichteroverviewer, superintendent. However, both middenstandsterfemale shopkeeper and opzichtsterfemale superintendent have various hits on the internet.
marketentstersutler has no male counterpart, but according to the WNT it is not a Dutch -ster derivation but rather a loan from German which, via Italian, ultimately goes back to Mediaeval Latin mercatareto trade.
The restriction that there are no ergative verbal inputs is not absolute, especially for prefixed and separable complex verbs: we saw that there is no *valler or *valster on the basis of ergative vallento fall, but we do find invallerunderstudy, invader, substitute and invalster on the basis of ergative invallento replace, to raid.
Some -aar formations also take -es rather than -ster, e.g. leraresfemale teacher < leraarteacher. In other cases, both affixes are attested, e.g. molenaarster, molenaresfemale miller and martelaarster, martelaresfemale martyr.
In the Netherlands, passagierpassenger and scholierstudent have a female form in -e (passagiere, scholiere); in Belgium one finds regular passagierster and scholierster as well (De Haas and Trommelen 1993:192), albeit rarely.
Inheritance of verbal argument structure is analogous to that of -er formations.
The suffix -ster does not bear stress and does not change the stress pattern of its base. Due to the phonological make-up of the affix, there will always be a syllable boundary coinciding with the morphological boundary.
Plurals of -ster formations are in –s, e.g. werksterscleaning ladies, winkelierstersfemale shopkeepers, martelaarstersfemale martyrs.
Geographical person names in -er or -aar never take -ster, so there is no *Antwerpenaarster next to Antwerpen-aarsomeone from the city of Antwerp or *Texelaarster next to Texel-aarsomeone from the isle of Texel, nor *Schiedamster next to Schiedam-ersomeone from the city of Schiedam or *Vlielandster next to *Vlieland-ersomeone from the isle of Vlieland. Instead, a derivation in -e from the pertinent adjective is used for the female inhabitant name: Antwerps-e, Texels-e, Schiedams-e, Vlielands-e.
Formations with the suffix -ster denote female person names: a schrijfsterfemale writer is the feminine counterpart of schrijverwriter. Some kind of professionalism or habit is often implied: not every woman who writes is a schrijfster. For deverbal -ster formations, the interpretation as Agent nouns is the default (e.g. schrijfsterfemale writer, someone who writes), but Theme interpretations occur as well (e.g. martelaarsterfemale martyr, woman who is tortured (to death)), completely parallel to the corresponding formations in -er, -aar, etc.
Regular diminutives are in -tje: werkstertje, winkelierstertje, martelaarstertje. Apart from diminutive formation, -ster formations cannot be input to further derivational processes. In compounds, they can, in principle, function both as left-hand and right-hand part as illustrated by verpleegstersuniformfemale nurse's uniform and ziekenverzorgsterfemale sick people's attendant, nurse, respectively. If they function as left-hand part, -ster formations are usually followed by a linking phoneme/s/. If a deverbal -ster formation functions as the right-hand part of a N-N compound, the left-hand part is interpreted by default as a (semantic) argument of the verb (see also compounding), e.g. Patient in ganzenhoedstergoose girl, woman who herds geese, Location in wereldreizigsterworld traveler.
De Haas and Trommelen (1993:191) mention obsolete voedsteren (< voedsterfoster mother, nurse) as the only verbalization of a -ster formation.
An alternative analysis for cases such as ziekenverzorgsterfemale sick people's attendant, nurse and invalsterunderstudy (< from the separable complex verb (SCV) invallen) would be as synthetic compound.
- Booij, Geert2002The morphology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
- Booij, Geert2002The morphology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
- Haas, Wim de & Trommelen, Mieke1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
- Haas, Wim de & Trommelen, Mieke1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
- Haas, Wim de & Trommelen, Mieke1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
- Haas, Wim de & Trommelen, Mieke1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
- Marle, Jaap van1985On the paradigmatic dimension of morphological creativityDordrechtForis
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[76%] Dutch > Phonology > Phonological processes
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[76%] Dutch > Phonology > Segment inventory > Vowel inventory
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[75%] Dutch > Phonology > Accent & intonation
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[75%] Dutch > Phonology > Phonology-morphology interface > Allomorphy
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[78%] Frisian > Phonology > Phonological Processes
- /{s/z}/-insertion between /{t/d}/ and /jə/
[78%] Frisian > Phonology > Phonological Processes
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[78%] Frisian > Phonology > Clitics
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[77%] Frisian > Phonology > Phonological Processes > Final devoicing
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