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Stress-bearing native suffixes
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There are four native suffixes that bear the primary stress of the words they form:

Example 1

-erij /ərɛi/ schiet-erij [sxi.tə.ˈrɛi] shooting
et-erij [e.tə.ˈrɛi] eating
-es /ɛs/ voogd-es [vox.ˈdɛs] female guardian
-in /ɪn/ hel-din [hɛl.ˈdɪn] heroine
leeuw-in [lew.ˈɪn] lioness
-ij /ɛi/ voogd-ij [vox.ˈdɛi] guardianship
abd-ij [ɑb.ˈdɛi] abbey

Of particular interest here are the feminizing suffixes -es and -in: these suffixes always attract stress although this is not to be expected from their segmental make-up. As they contain a B-class vowel followed by one consonant, they are not superheavy syllables, and thus, they `should not' be stress-attracting in word-final position. Therefore, it may well be the case that such forms are stored with lexical stress, “presumably the same as is found in chocola/ʃo.ko.la/[ʃokoˈla]chocolate” (Van Oostendorp 2002).

In contrast, there are also stress-neutral suffixes and stress-shifting suffixes.

References:
  • Oostendorp, Marc van2002The phonological and morphological status of the Prosodic Word AdjunctLinguistische BerichteSonderheft 11209-235
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