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10.2. Verbal (X+V) collocations and verb-first/second
quickinfo

Verb-first/second is normally obligatory in main clauses, but there are cases in which it seems only marginally possible. A typical example is (25), with the N+V collocation touwtje springen'to (rope) skip'.

Example 25
a. dat Peter op straat touwtje springt.
  that  Peter in the.street  rope  skips
  'that Peter is skipping in the street.'
b. ? Peter springt op straat touwtje.
c. * Peter touwtje springt op straat.

Collocations like touwtje springen denote conventionalized activities and have word-like status, as is clear from the fact illustrated in (26) that this collocation can be placed as a whole in the verbal position of a progressive aan het + Vinfinitive phrase. However, the fact that the nominal part touwtje can also be separated from the verbal part springen suggests that wecannot analyze this collocation as a regular compound. For this reason, we will diverge from the orthographic convention to write such N+V collocations as a single word in order not to bias the discussion below towards a compound analysis for such collocations.

Example 26
dat Peter <touwtje> aan het <touwtje> springen is.
  that  Peter    rope  aan het  skip  is
'that Peter is skipping.'

Examples such as (25) can be approached in several ways. One possibility is to deny that collocations like touwtje springen have finite forms, as is claimed for a large set of such N+V collocations at taaladvies.net/taal/advies/vraag/703, probably on the basis of information provided by the Van Dale Dictionary. For many of these verbs, this cannot be maintained given that their finite forms are easy to find on the internet. A Google search (11/11/2013) on [touwtje springt] resulted in more than 300 hits, and a cursory inspection of these results showed that most of them indeed involve embedded clauses such as (25a). Actually, it is not difficult either to find past-tense examples: our Google searches on the strings [ touwtje sprong] and [ touwtje sprongen]resulted in more than 200 hits, two of which are given in (27).

Example 27
a. de buurmeisjes waarmee ik touwtje sprong of hinkelde
  the girls.next.door  with.whom  rope  skipped  or played.hopscotch
  'the girls next door with whom I skipped or played hopscotch'
b. Er waren [...] een paar meisjes die touwtje sprongen.
  there  were  a couple [of] girls  who  rope  skipped
  'There were a couple of girls who were skipping.'

A second possibility is to deny that the contrast between examples like (25a&b) is real and to assume that both types of examples are equally acceptable. This position can be supported by the fact that verb-second examples such as (25b) can indeed be found on the internet. The number of such examples is relatively small, however: our Google searches on [springt touwtje] and [springt * touwtje] resulted in, respectively, 136 and 56 hits, many of which were irrelevant or duplicates. Verb-second constructions with touwtje springen are especially popular in headlines, headers, captions of pictures and movies, etc. In regular texts, verb-second seems relatively frequent in sentences with a habitual reading and in sentences in which the collocation is used as part of a list (often in brief summaries of certain events); two typical examples are given in (28).

Example 28
a. Sylvia Goegebuur (sic) [...] springt touwtje als de beste ter wereld.
  Sylvia Goegebuur  skips  rope  like  the best in.the world
b. Hij kruipt over de piano, trekt zijn hemd uit en springt touwtje met de microfoon.
  he  crawls  over the piano  takes  his shirt  off  and  jumps  rope with the microphone
  'He crawls all over the piano, takes off his shirt and skips with the mike.'

The past tense strings [sprong touwtje]and [sprong* touwtje]resulted in 95 hits in total, many of which were again irrelevant or duplicates: our estimate is that there were about 20 genuine cases of verb-second. Sentences in which the collocation is used as part of a list, as in Hij liep, hij rende en sprong touwtje'he walked, (he) ran and skipped', again seem to be relatively frequent.
      The results of our Google searches suggest a third possibility: for most speakers, verb-second of the finite form of the verbal part of N+V collocations like touwtje springen is disfavored, and since non-finite forms do not occur in second position, this verb is normally used in clause-final position only. Since these collocations express conventionalized activities, verb-second can easily be avoided in many cases by employing the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive construction in (29a) instead of the verb-second construction in (29b).

Example 29
a. Peter is/was <touwtje> aan het <touwtje> springen.
  Peter is/was     rope  aan het  skip
  'Peter is/was skipping.'
b. ?? Peter springt/sprong touwtje.
  Peter skips/skipped  rope

A similar conclusion was drawn by Booij (2010:114) for the N+V collocation stijl dansen, despite the fact that some speakers seem to be able to treat this collocation as a true (inseparable) compound: examples such as (30b) can again normally be avoided by using the progressive construction Hij is/was met zijn nichtje aan het stijldansen'He is/was ballroom dancing with his niece'.

Example 30
a. dat hij met zijn nichtje stijl danst/danste.
  that  he  with his niece  ballroom  dances/danced
  'that he is/was ballroom dancing with his niece.'
b. ?? Hij stijldanst/stijldanste met zijn nichtje.
c. * Hij danst/danste met zijn nichtje stijl.

      Certain particle verbs have also been reported to disfavor verb-second. Such particle verbs are characterized by the fact that their particles are complex, like voor-aan in vooraanmelden'to preregister', or preceded by the prefix her-, as in herinvoeren'to reintroduce'; see Koopman (1995), Den Dikken (2003), and Vikner (2005), who discusses similar cases for German. In (31), we provide examples with the verb (her)invoeren. Bennis (1993) reports that some speakers consider examples like (31b'&c') marginally acceptable, and taaladvies.net/taal/advies/vraag/377 reports that the split patterns occurs in Belgium.

Example 31
a. dat hij die regel invoert.
  that  he  that rule  prt.-introduces
  'that he introduces that rule.'
a'. dat hij die regel herinvoert.
  that  he  that rule  reintroduces
  'that he reintroduces that rule.'
b. Hij voert die regel in.
b'. ?? Hij voert de regel herin.
c. * Hij invoert die regel.
c'. *? Hij herinvoert die regel.

      The discussion above strongly suggests that there is a set of verbal (X+V) collocations that resist verb-second; following Vikner (2005), we will refer to such collocations as immobile verbs. The fact that it is not difficult to find cases such as (29b) and (30b) on the internet suggests, however, that collocations like touwtje springen and stijl dansen are sometimes also treated as separable or compound verb forms. This raises the question as to whether we are dealing with a syntactic/morphological restriction or whether some other restriction is involved. For example, it might be the case that verb-second is syntactically possible but restricted for some reason to cases in which the speaker cannot resort to the aan het + Vinfinitive construction, as might be the case in the examples in (28), or that verb-second is restricted to sports jargon, that is, used by individual speakers who are involved with the activity denoted by the collocation in question on a more regular basis.
      In order to shed more light on this issue, the following subsections will investigate the properties of verbal collocations in more detail. Our point of departure will be that such collocations can be divided into the three main types in (32): inseparable collocations are compounds that undergo verb-second as a whole, separable collocations are phrase-like constructions that split under verb-second, and immobile collocations tend to resist verb-second.

Example 32
a. Inseparable verbal collocations (compounds): bekN + vechten 'to squabble'
b. Separable verbal collocations: ademN + halen 'to breathe'
c. Immobile verbal collocations: touwtjeN + springen 'to (rope) skip'

Subsections I-V investigate the properties of inseparable and separable verbal collocations. We will show that the set of verbs that are traditionally assumed to be separable is in fact not a unitary class but falls apart in at least two subgroups, one of which is separable under verb-second and another which is not; the latter group will be shown to be immobile in the sense of Vikner (2005), subsection V concludes this part of the discussion with an attempt at an analysis. The results of the investigation in Subsection I-V will be applied to various types of immobile verbs: Subsections VI-VIII focus on three different subtypes of immobile N+V collocations while Subsection IX investigates inseparable complex particle verbs; Subsection X concludes with a brief discussion of a type of immobile verb that has received relatively little attention in the literature so far.

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[+]  I.  Separable and inseparable verbal collocations

This subsection discusses verbal collocations with a noun, adjective or a verb as their first member. Generally speaking, we find two syntactically relevant types: inseparable and separable collocations. It seems that this distinction weakly correlates with the semantic/syntactic status of the left-hand member, as Ackema (1999) notes that in separable collocations the left-hand member is normally an argument of the verbal part. This is illustrated in (33). The verb vechten'to fight' in (33a) is intransitive and N-part bek'mouth' is interpreted as having the semantic role of instrument; cf. met de bek vechten'to fight with the mouth'. The verb halen'to get' in (33b) is transitive and the N-part adem'breath' is interpreted as a theme argument. The primed examples show that only in the latter case can the N+V collocation be split.

Example 33
a. dat deze jongens voortdurend bek vechten.
inseparable/compound
  that  these boys  continuously  mouth  fight
  'that these boys squabble continuously.'
a'. Deze jongens <bek> vechten voortdurend <*bek>.
  these boys  mouth  fight  continuously
b. dat de patiënt moeilijk adem haalt.
separable
  that  the patient  with.difficulty  breath  takes
  'that the patient is breathing with difficulty.'
b'. De patiënt <*adem> haalt moeilijk <adem>.
  the patient      breath  takes  with.difficulty

In (34), we provide a sample of the two types of N+V collocation, based on De Haas & Trommelen (1993) and Booij (2010). We do not include inseparable verbs such as voetballen'to play soccer' that are (potentially) derived via conversion from complex nouns (here: voetbal'football') or formations like raadplegen'to consult' with a non-transparent or non-compositional meaning for present-day speakers because these are expected to be inseparable anyway. Recall that we diverge from the orthographic convention to write the N+V collocations in (34b) as a single word in order not to bias the discussion below towards a compound analysis for these collocations.

Example 34
N+V collocations
a. Inseparable: beeldhouwen'to sculpture', bekvechten'to squabble', rangschikken'to group', redetwisten'to argue', slaapwandelen'to walk in oneʼs sleep', zegevieren'to triumph'
b. Separable: adem halen'to breathe', auto rijden'to drive a car', brand stichten'to raise a fire', deel nemen'to participate', dienst weigeren'to refuse conscription', feest vieren'to celebrate', kaart lezen'to read maps', koffie zetten'to make coffee', les geven'to teach', piano spelen'to play the piano', recht spreken'to administer justice', ruzie maken'to quarrel', televisie kijken'to watch television'

Note that we used the notion "weak correlation" in order to characterize Ackema's hypothesis. The reason is that it is not the case that N+V collocations are always separable if the N-part functions as a theme. This can be readily illustrated by means of the collocation stof zuigen'to vacuum', which can be used either as a separable or as an inseparable collocation by many speakers. There is reason, however, for assuming that the N-part has lost its argument status in the inseparable form; see Ackema (1999) and the discussion of the examples in (44) in Subsection II.

Example 35
a. dat Jan elke week stof zuigt.
  that  Jan  every week  dust  sucks
  'that Jan vacuums every week.'
b. Jan <stof> zuigt elke week <stof>.
  Jan    dust  sucks  every week

We should further raise a warning flag and note that there are a number of cases of separable N+V collocations for which it is less clear that the N-part functions as a (direct) argument of the V-part. This holds for, e.g., piano spele n'to play the piano' and televisie kijken'to watch television', given that spelen and kijken select a PP-complement in examples such as (36). In order to maintain the claim that the N-part is an argument of the V-part, we have to assume that the PP-complement is reduced in the separable N+V collocations piano spele n and televisie kijken; see Ackema (1999) and Booij (2010) for a discussion of these forms.

Example 36
a. Jan speelt *(op) een Steinway.
  Jan plays    on a Steinway
  'Jan is playing on a Steinway.'
b. Jan kijkt *(naar) de televisie.
  Jan looks     at the television
  'Jan is looking at the television.'

      The examples in (37) illustrate that the two main types can also be found in the case of A+V collocations: (37a) is an example with the inseparable (compound) verb liefkozen'to fondle' and (37b) with the separable collocation bekend maken'to make known'.

Example 37
a. dat Jan zijn hond vaak liefkoost.
inseparable/compound
  that Jan his dog often  fondles
  'that Jan often fondles his dog.'
a'. Jan <lief>koost zijn hond vaak <*lief>.
  Jan    fondles  his dog  often
b. dat Jan zijn besluit morgen bekend maakt.
separable
  that  Jan his decision  tomorrow  known  makes
  'that Jan will make his decision public tomorrow.'
b'. Jan <*bekend> maakt zijn beslissing morgen <bekend>.
  Jan      known  makes  his decision  tomorrow

When we exclude examples such as blinddoeken'to blindfold', which is derived from the complex noun blinddoek'blindfold', and cases such as dwarsbomen'to thwart' with a non-transparent or non-compositional meaning for the present-day speaker, there are very few inseparable A+V collocations; the examples in (38a) are again taken from De Haas & Trommelen (1993). For the separable A+N collocations in (38b), Ackema's hypothesis that the left-hand member of the collocation is normally an argument of the verbal part of the collocation seems too strict, but we can easily repair this by loosening the statement slightly by requiring that the left-hand member must be a complement of the verbal part, as this will also include complementives. Again, we diverge from the orthographic convention to write separable A+V collocations as separate words in order not to bias the discussion below towards a compound analysis for these collocations.

Example 38
A+V collocations
a. Inseparable: fijnproeven'to test the taste of something', liefkozen'to fondle'
b. Separable: dood zwijgen'to hush up/smother', droog leggen'to reclaim/impolder', dwars liggen'to be contrary', fijn malen'to grind', goed keuren'to approve', groot brengen'to bring up', klaar komen'to complete oneʼs work/have an orgasm', los breken'to break loose', stuk lezen'read to pieces', vol gieten'to fill up', vreemd gaan'to be unfaithful', wit wassen'to launder (black money)', zwart maken'to blacken'

The proposed revision of Ackema's hypothesis, which we will from now on refer to as Ackema's generalization, also accounts for the fact that particle verbs (P+V collocations) like opbellen'to call up' and overstromen'to run over' in (39) are normally separable because Section 2.2 has shown that verbal particles also function as complementives. Although there are a number of inseparable P+V collocations, we will not digress on this here, as this would simply repeat the discussion in Section P1.2.4, sub IV. We will in fact ignore P+V collocations altogether until we return to them in Subsection IX.

Example 39
a. Jan belde me op.
  Jan called  me up
b. De emmer stroomde over.
  the bucket  ran  over
  'The bucket overflowed.'

There are very few inseparable V+V collocations like hoesteproesten'to cough and splutter' in (40a); more transparent cases such as zweefvliegen'to glide (in a sailplane)' belong to the set of immobile collocations, which will be discussed in Subsection IV. Separable V+V collocations are also rare and may in fact not exist at all: a potential case is laten vallen'to drop' in (40b), but the fact that the dependent verb vallen'to fall' does not precede but follows the causative verb laten'to make/let' suggests that we are not dealing with a verbal collocation but with a regular causative laten-construction. We therefore will not discuss such cases here but in Section 5.2.3.4.

Example 40
a. dat Jan voortdurend hoesteproest.
inseparable/compound
  that  Jan continuously  splutters
  'that Jan is continuously coughing and spluttering.'
a'. Jan hoesteproest voortdurend.
  Jan splutters  continuously
b. dat Jan de theepot liet vallen.
causative laten-construction
  that  Jan the teapot  let  fall
  'that Jan dropped the teapot.'
b'. Jan liet de theepot vallen.
  Jan let  the teapot  fall

This subsection has shown that separable verbal collocations require their first member to function as a complement of the verbal part: the N-part in N+V collocations has the function of a direct (and sometimes prepositional) object of the V-part, and the A-part in A+N collocations functions as a complementive, that is, a predicative complement of the V-part. Since there are no clear cases of separable V+V collocations and since particle verbs are discussed separately in Subsection IX, the following subsections will be concerned with N+V and A+V collocations.

[+]  II.  Differences between separable and inseparable verbal collocations

On the assumption that inseparable X+V collocations are true compounds, their syntactic behavior can be accounted for by appealing to the lexical integrity constraint, according to which syntactic operations cannot apply to subparts of words. An inseparable N+V collocation like bekvechten'to squabble' should then be analyzed as [ bekvechten], in which the label Vº stands for a word boundary. By the same logic, separable N+V collocations cannot be analyzed as compounds but should be phrasal in nature: a separable N+V collocation like adem halen should then be analyzed as [V' adem [ halen]], in which the label V' stands for some phrasal projection of the verb that contains a direct object.
      There is morphological and syntactic evidence in favor of this distinction. First, we would expect inflectional material to attach at the Vº- and not at the V'-level, and thus we predict that the nominal part follows preverbal inflectional material in the case of (inseparable) compound verbs but precedes such material in the case of (separable) phrasal collocations. The examples in (41) shows that this prediction is correct: the preverbal part of the participial circumfixge-...-d/t and the infinitival prefix te must precede the nominal part in bekvechten but must follow it in adem halen for most speakers.

Example 41
a. De jongens hebben de hele dag gebekvecht/*bekgevecht.
  the boys  have  the whole day  squabbled
  'The boys have squabbled all day.'
a'. De jongens liepen de hele dag te bekvechten/*bek te vechten.
  the boys  walked  the whole day  to squabble
  'The boys were squabbling all day.'
b. Jan heeft twee keer diep adem gehaald/*geademhaald.
  Jan has  two time  deep  breath  taken
  'Jan has taken a deep breath twice.'
b'. Jan probeerde diep adem te halen/*te ademhalen.
  Jan  tried  deep  breath  to take
  'Jan tried to take a deep breath.'

Note in passing that there seems to be some variation among speakers, especially with regard to the infinitival marker te. For example, a Google search (11/5/2013) showed that the form bek te vechten is occasionally used on the internet (perhaps in jest), whereas we did not get any hits for the strings [ heb bekgevecht] and [ heb * bekgevecht], in which the asterisk functions as a wild card. Similarly, the form te ademhalen is not difficult to find (albeit with a far lower frequency than adem te halen), whereas we found only a handful of genuine cases with the form geademhaald. The judgments in (41) reflect our own acceptability judgments and may thus be an idealization of the actual situation in Standard Dutch.
      The form of the past participle gebekvecht in (41a) constitutes an additional argument in favor of a compound analysis, given that the participle of the simplex verb vechten has the irregular form gevochten. De Haas & Trommelen (1993:441) claim that a hallmark of compounds is that they have a regular declension; this is illustrated again in (42), in which glimlachen is an inseparable N+V compound and paard rijden is separable phrasal N+V collocation; only in the former case does the collocation have the regular declension ge-...-d/t.

Example 42
a. lachen — gelach-en
inseparable
  laugh  laughed
a'. glimlachen — geglimlach-t
  smile  smiled
b. rijden — gered-en
separable
  ride  ridden
b'. paard rijden — paard gered-en
  horseback  ride  horseback  ridden

A rather spectacular illustration of De Haas & Trommelen's claim is stof zuigen. The examples in (35) have shown that this collocation exhibits mixed behavior for many speakers: the N+V collocation can be split under verb-second, but it can also be moved as a whole. The simplex verb zuigen'to suck' has an irregular declension: zuig- zoog- gezogen. The predictions made by De Haas & Trommelens hypothesis are clear. First, we predict that stof zuigen'to vacuum' is associated with two past participial forms, depending on the position of the nominal part. The primeless examples in (43) illustrate that this prediction is indeed correct. Second, we predict that the split under verb-second is possible only if the finite verb has the irregular declension; the primed examples show that this predication is also correct.

Example 43
a. Jan heeft gisteren stof gezogen/*gezuigd.
  Jan has  yesterday  dust  sucked
  'Jan vacuumed yesterday.'
a'. Jan zoog/*zuigde gisteren stof.
  Jan sucked yesterday  dust
b. Jan heeft gisteren gestofzuigd/*gestofzogen.
  Jan has  yesterday  dust.sucked
  'Jan vacuumed yesterday.'
b'. Jan stofzuigde/*stofzoog gisteren.
  Jan dust.sucked  yesterday

Note in passing that we have ignored the fact that the form sto fzoog is occasionally found in second position on the internet, which is in fact to be expected given that speakers are quite uncertain about the "correct" form of the past tense, as is clear from the fact that it is a recurring topic of discussion on the internet. Note that there is also normative pressure to use the inseparable form, as is clear from the fact that taaladvies.net/taal/advies/vraag/755 and the Van Dale Dictionary only give the regular declension.
      The claim that stof zuigen allows two different analyses is also confirmed by the examples in (44), adapted from De Haas & Trommelen (1993:442). These examples show that this collocation can be used with the direct object de kamer'the room' when it has a regular declension, but not when it has an irregular declension.

Example 44
a. dat Jan de kamer stofzuigt/*stof zoog.
  that  Jan the room  dust.sucks/dust sucks
  'that Jan is vacuuming the room.'
b. dat Jan de kamer heeft gestofzuigd/*stof gezogen.
  that  Jan the room  has  dust.sucked/dust  sucked
  'that Jan has vacuumed the room.'

This contrast follows immediately on the analysis proposed above: if stof zuigen is phrasal, the bare noun stof functions as a direct object, and thus blocks the addition of another direct object such as de kamer'the room': if it is a compound, however, it might simply be stored in the lexicon as a transitive verb, and, consequently, the use of a direct object such as de kamer is fully licit. Other cases of such transitive, inseparable N + V collocations mentioned by Ackema (1999) are: beeldhouwen'to sculpture' (lit: statue + chop) stand hersenspoelen'to brainwash'.
      In (45) we provide similar examples for A+V collocations: liefkozen'to fondle' (lit.: sweet + caress) is a compound and the adjectival part lief must therefore follow the preverbal part of the participial circumfix ge-...-d/t and the infinitival prefix te; bekend maken'to make public', on the other hand, is phrasal and the adjectival part must therefore precede these elements.

Example 45
a. Jan heeft zijn hond de hele dag geliefkoosd/*liefgekoosd.
  Jan has  his dog  the whole day  fondled
  'Jan has fondled his dog all day.'
a'. Jan zit zijn hond de hele dag te liefkozen/*lief te kozen.
  Jan sits  his dog  the whole day  to fondle
  'Jan has been fondling his dog all day.'
b. Jan heeft zijn beslissing bekend gemaakt/*gebekendmaakt.
  Jan has  his decision  known  made
  'Jan has made his decision public.'
b'. Jan weigert zijn beslissing bekend te maken/*te bekend maken.
  Jan refuses  his  decision  known  to make
  'Jan refuses to make his decision public.'

      This subsection has shown that there are reasons for assuming that inseparable verbal collocations are compounds whereas separable verbal collocations are phrasal in nature. The reasons for assuming this are mainly morphological in nature. The first involves the placement of the (preverbal part of) the inflectional affixes ge-...-d/t and te. The second is that the inseparable verbal collocations always have a regular declension, which has been claimed to be a hallmark of compounds; the declension of the verbal part of separable verbal collocations, on the other hand, is fully determined by the verbal part.

Table 1: Differences between inseparable and separable verbal collocations
  inseparable separable
participial affix ge-X+V-d/t X ge-V-d/t
infinitival prefix te X+V X te V
declension always regular depends on verbal part

[+]  III.  Similarities between separable and inseparable N+V collocations

Although the discussion in Subsection II strongly suggests that separable N+V collocations are phrasal and that the N-part normally functions as a direct (or, perhaps, a prepositional) object of the V-part, the collocation has a number of properties normally not found with verb phrases consisting of a verb and an object. With regard to these peculiarities, separable N+V collocations rather behave like N+V compounds. We will illustrate this compound-like behavior of separable N+V collocations by comparing the separable collocations adem halen'to breathe' and piano spelen'to play the piano' with the regular verb phrase iets halen'to fetch something' and iets spelen'to play something (e.g., a sonata)'.
      A first property is that the N-part of a separable N+V collocation is normally bare, that is, not accompanied by a determiner, whereas singular regular direct objects are normally not bare, that is, they require a determiner. Notice that this difference is not observable if the N-part is plural, as in aardappels schillen'to peel potatoes', given that indefinite plurals take a phonetically empty article.

Example 46
a. dat Jan (*een) adem haalt.
  that  Jan     a breath  gets
  'that Jan is breathing.'
a'. dat Jan *(een) boek haalt.
  that  Jan      a book  gets
  'that Jan is fetching a book.'
b. dat Marie (*de) piano speelt.
  that  Marie    the piano  plays
  'that Marie is playing the piano.'
b'. dat Marie *(de) sonate speelt.
  that  Marie     the sonata  plays
  'that Marie is playing the sonata.'

Related to this difference concerning the determiner is the fact that the nominal part of the N+V collocation is not referential. This can be shown by comparing the examples in (47): example (47a) cannot be uttered out of the blue given that the reference of the deictic pronoun hij cannot be properly determined by the bare noun piano; example (47b) with the regular direct object de sonate'the sonata', on the other hand, is fine since the pronoun can take this object as its antecedent.

Example 47
a. $ dat Jan niet graag piano speelt, want hij is vals.
  that  Jan not  gladly  piano plays,  because  he is off-key
  'that Jan doesnʼt like to play the piano, because it is off-key.'
b. dat Jan niet graag de sonate speelt, want hij is te moeilijk.
  that  Jan not  gladly  the sonata  plays  because  he is too difficult
  'that Jan doesnʼt like to play the sonata, because it is too difficult.'

For the same reason it is normally impossible to modify the nominal part of an N+V collocation by an attributively used adjective, whereas this is, of course, possible with regular direct objects, as shown by the examples in (48).

Example 48
a. dat Jan niet graag (*nieuwe) piano speelt
  that  Jan not  gladly     new  piano plays
b. dat Jan niet graag de (nieuwe) sonate speelt.
  that  Jan not  gladly  the new sonata  plays
  'that Jan doesnʼt like to play the new sonata.'

In passing, it should be noted that attributive modification of the nominal part of a separable N+A collocation is marginally possible if the modifier-noun combination has a type reading: Booij (2010), for example, provides examples such as dat Jan klassieke piano speelt. However, the fact that Booij translates this example as "that John plays classical piano music" suggests that we may simply be dealing with a regular direct object in the form of a mass noun, comparable to Hij speelt klassieke muziek/jazz'He plays classical music/jazz'. We will leave this issue for future research and simply conclude from the examples above that nominal parts of N+V collocations are not referential. In this respect they are similar to the first members of N+V compounds like beeldhouwen'to sculpture', N+A compounds like boterzacht'soft as butter', and N+N compounds like huissleutel'latchkey', but unlike regular direct objects.
      A second property of the N-part of separable N+V collocations is that speakers allow them to permeate clause-final verb clusters. This is, of course, obligatory for the nominal parts of N+V compounds, but for regular direct objects this is allowed by a subset of Flemish speakers only; see Sections 5.2.3 and 6.2, and Barbiers (2008:ch.2).

Example 49
a. dat Jan diep <adem> moet <adem> halen.
  that  Jan deeply    breath  must  get
  'that Jan must breathe deeply.'
a'. dat Jan <een boek> moet <%een boek> halen.
  that  Jan     a book  must  get
  'that Jan must fetch a book'
b. dat Marie graag <piano> wil <piano> spelen.
  that Marie  gladly    piano  want  play
  'that Marie is eager to play the piano.'
b'. dat Marie graag <de sonate> wil <%de sonate> spelen.
  that Marie  gladly    the sonata  want  play
  'that Marie is eager to play the sonata.'

      A third property of the N-part of a separable N+V collocation is that it can be left-adjacent to the main verb in the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive construction; regular direct objects, on the other hand, must precede the aan het + Vinfinitive phrase.

Example 50
a. Jan is verkeerd <adem> aan het <adem> halen.
  Jan is wrongly   breath  aan het  get
  'Jan is breathing in the wrong way.'
a'. Jan is <een boek> aan het <*een boek> halen.
  Jan is  a book  aan het  get
  'Jan is fetching a book.'
b. Marie is <piano> aan het <piano> spelen.
  Marie is   piano  aan het  play
  'Marie is playing the piano.'
b'. Marie is <de sonate> aan het <*de sonate> spelen.
  Marie is    the sonata  aan het  play
  'Marie is playing the sonata.'

      A final property in which N-parts of separable N+V collocations differ from regular direct objects is that they cannot easily occur as part of a postnominal van-PP in nominalizations, as is illustrated in (51).

Example 51
a. [Het halen van een boek/??adem] is gemakkelijk.
  the getting of a book/breath  is easy
  'Getting a book is easy.'
b. [Het spelen van een sonate/??piano] is niet gemakkelijk.
  the playing of a sonata/piano  is not easy
  'Playing of a sonata isnʼt easy.'

The discussion above has shown that the N-part of N+V collocation has various properties that are unexpected for regular direct objects but resemble the properties of the N-part of a N+V compound: (i) it is not referential, (ii) it is allowed to interrupt clause-final verb clusters, and (iii) it can be left-adjacent to the main verb in the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive construction. The first property is, of course, inapplicable to A+V collocations, but the examples in (52) show for fijn malen'to grind' that the latter two properties can also be established for such cases.

Example 52
a. dat Jan de peper <fijn> moet <fijn> malen.
  that  Jan the pepper  to.a.powder  must  grind
  'that Jan must grind the pepper.'
b. that Jan de peper <fijn> aan het <fijn> malen is.
  that Jan the pepper  to.a.powder  aan het  grind  is
  'that Jan is grinding the pepper.'

The findings from our discussion above are summarized in Table 2.

Table 2: Similarities between inseparable and separable verbal collocations
  inseparable separable
N is referential no no
verbal clusters V X Vmain V X VmainorX V Vmain
aan het-construction aan het X Vmain aan het X Vmain or X aan het Vmain
[+]  IV.  Immobile verbal collocations (1): introduction

Table 2 shows that separable X+V collocations like (34b) and (38b) exhibit variable behavior with respect to the placement of the X-part vis-à-vis the verbal part in constructions with a clause-final verb cluster or a progressive aan het-phrase. This raises the question as to whether it is justified to consider separable X+V collocations as a single class, or whether we should distinguish two subtypes. This question has been investigated for N+V collocations, and it seems that there is reason for assuming the latter; see Booij (2010: Section 4.3). The argument is based on the morphological expression of sentence negation. In Dutch, sentence negation can be expressed by means of the independent negative adverb niet'not', as in (53a), but it is often obligatorily merged with some existentially quantified element in the clause, as is illustrated in (53b&c). Here, negation is expressed on, respectively, a frequency adverb (neg + ooitnooit'never') and an indefinite direct object (neg + een autogeen auto'no car').

Example 53
a. Peter kan niet komen.
  Peter is.able  not  come
  'Peter canʼt come.'
b. Peter kan nooit/*niet ooit komen.
  Peter is.able  never/not  some.time  come
  'Peter is never able to come.'
c. Peter kan geen auto/*niet een auto kopen.
  Peter is.able  no car/not a car  buy
  'Peter canʼt buy a car.'

The examples in (54) further show that the merger of sentence negation is optional in the case of N+V collocations like auto rijden'to drive a car' and piano spelen'to play the piano'; it can either be expressed by means of the adverb niet'not' or be expressed by the negative article geen'no'.

Example 54
a. Peter kan niet/geen auto rijden.
  Peter be.able  not/no  car  drive
  'Peter isnʼt able to drive a car.'
b. Peter kan niet/geen piano spelen.
  Peter be.able  not/no  piano  play
  'Peter isnʼt able to play the piano.'

The examples in (55) show that the choice between the two options depends on the placement of the N-part of the collocation in clauses with a verb cluster: negation seems preferably expressed by means of the negative article geen, but if the N-part remains adjacent to the V-part the negative adverb niet must be used. Although Booij considers the options marked with a number sign acceptable, there may be reasons for rejecting his claim; we postpone the discussion of this to Subsection V.

Example 55
a. dat Peter geen/#niet auto kan rijden.
  that  Peter  no/not  car  be.able  drive
  'that Peter isnʼt able to drive a car.'
a'. dat Peter niet/*geen kan auto rijden.
  that  Peter  not/no  be.able  car  drive
  'that Peter canʼt drive a car.'
b. dat Peter geen/#niet piano kan spelen.
  that  Peter  no/not  piano  be.able  play
  'that Peter isnʼt able to play the piano.'
b'. dat Peter niet/*geen kan piano spelen.
  that  Peter  not/no  be.able  piano play
  'that Peter canʼt play the piano.'

The same seems to hold for the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive constructions in (56). Although such negated examples are extremely rare on the internet, they seem to be fully acceptable in contrastive contexts. The options marked with the number sign also occur on the internet in contrastive contexts; this need not surprise us given that the merger of sentence negation is normally not obligatory in contrastive contexts: cf. Ik heb niet een auto, maar een fiets gekocht'I have not bought a car, but a bicycle'.

Example 56
a. Peter is geen/#niet auto aan het rijden (maar aan het fietsen).
  Peter is no/not  car  aan het  drive   but  aan het  cycle
  'Peter isnʼt driving (but heʼs gone cycling).'
a'. Peter is niet/*geen aan het auto rijden (maar aan het fietsen).
  Peter is not/no  aan het  car  drive   but  aan het  cycle
  'Peter isnʼt driving (but heʼs gone cycling).'
b. Peter is geen/#niet piano aan het spelen (maar aan het lezen).
  Peter is no/not  piano aan het  play   but  aan het  read
  'Peter isnʼt playing the piano (but heʼs reading a book).'
b'. Peter is niet/*geen aan het piano spelen (maar aan het lezen).
  Peter is not/no  aan het  piano  play   but  aan het  read
  'Peter isnʼt playing the piano (but heʼs reading a book).'

As such, the examples in (55) and (56) do not shed any light on the question as to whether separable verbal collocations form a single class, or whether we should distinguish two subtypes: the merger of sentence negation may simply be subject to some adjacency restriction, which would effectively block the formation of geen in the primed examples. However, these examples are quite revealing in combination with the examples in (57), in which the N+V collocations are split by means of verb-second and sentential negation must be expressed by means of the negative article geen; the use of the adverb niet leads to ungrammaticality.

Example 57
a. Peter rijdt geen/*niet auto
  Peter drives  no/not  car
  'Peter doesnʼt drive a car.'
b. Peter speelt geen/*niet piano.
  Peter plays  no/not  piano
  'Peter doesnʼt play the piano.'

The fact that sentence negation cannot be expressed by means of the adverb niet but must be expressed by means of the merged form geen suggests that these verb-second examples are more akin to the primeless than to the primed examples in (55) and (56); merger of negation is restricted to those cases in which the N+V collocation can be split by syntactic operations like verb clustering and verb-second. This suggests that separable verbal collocations like (34b) and (38b) actually have two uses: they may be separable in all syntactic and morphological contexts or they may be separable in morphological contexts only. It is the latter set of separable verbs that we have characterized as immobile in the sense that they resist verb-second. This line of reasoning would result in the three groups of X+V collocations in Table 3; we have illustrated the clustering of properties on the basis of N+V collocations only, but it seems reasonable to assume that they also hold for A+V collocations.

Table 3: Types of verbal collocations
  mobile immobile
  inseparable (compound) separable (split pattern: X ... V)
A participial affix ge-X+V-d/t X ge-V-d/t X ge-V-d/t
  infinitival prefix te X+V X te V X te V
B verbal clusters V X Vmain X V Vmain V X Vmain
  aan het-phrase aan het X Vmain X aan het Vmain aan het X Vmain
  negation niet'not' geen'no' niet'not'
C verb-second + (non-split pattern) + (split pattern)

The morphological properties given in the A-rows of Table 3 distinguish the inseparable verbal compounds from the separable verbal collocations; whereas the former require that the X- and the V-part be adjacent in past/passive participles and te-infinitives, the latter do not allow this. The properties in the B-rows are the crucial ones for distinguishing the two types of separable verbal collocations. The C-row indicates the verb-second behavior of the three types of verbal collocations we have distinguished on the basis of the properties in A and B.
      The discussion in this subsection involved separable V+X collocations that are ambiguous between a mobile and an immobile form, subsections VI-IX will discuss cases of verbal collocations that are (normally) of the immobile type: we will successively discuss immobile verbs of the type touwtje springen'to skip' (lit: to rope skip), stijl dansen'to ballroom dance' (lit.: to style dance), and herinvoeren'to reintroduce'. In subsection V, however, we first attempt to sketch a theoretical account of the clustering of the properties in Table 3.

[+]  V.  Immobile verbal collocations (2): a theoretical excursion

The first group of X+V collocations in Table 3 is the class of compounds, which differs from the other two groups in that the X+V collocations form an indissoluble morphological and syntactic unit. In short, they function as complex words of the form [ X V]: inflectional material is added externally to Vº, which accounts for their properties in the two A-rows in Table 3, and syntactic movements may only affect Vº as a whole, which accounts for their properties in the B- and C-rows.
      The original class of separable X+V collocations is now divided into two subgroups which have in common that the X-part can be separated from the verbal part by inflectional morphemes. This strongly suggests that we are dealing with a regular verb phrase, [V' X Vº], in which N functions as a direct object and A functions as a complementive: inflectional material is consequently added to Vº, which again accounts for their properties in the A-rows in Table 3.
      The claim that separable X+V collocations involve regular verb phrases of the form [V' X Vº] also accounts for the properties of the first subgroup of separable verbs in the B- and C-rows in Table 3: (i) the fact that the X-part is syntactically independent from the verbal part of the collocation predicts that these parts need not remain adjacent in syntax but can be split by syntactic operations like movement (especially those involved in the formation of verb clusters and the derivation of verb-second), and (ii) the fact that the N-part is in the regular object position accounts for the fact that the merger of sentence negation and the indefinite article ( geen'no') is obligatory.
      This leaves us with the second group of separable verbs, which do behave as a unit for syntactic purposes. It has been proposed that these involve incorporation, a syntactic operation creating a syntactic unit by means of so-called head adjunction. This changes the phrase structure [V' X V] via head movement of the X into the structure [V'tX [V* X V]], in which V* stands for a syntactically derived complex head. In some languages noun incorporation is much more productive than in Dutch, and Baker (1988) has shown for such languages that incorporation is restricted to complements; this provides a natural cross-linguistic rationale for Ackema's generalization. The incorporation analysis also derives the properties in the (B)-columns in Table 3: (i) although the collocation can be split by morphological operations, this cannot be done by syntactic operations involved in the creation of verb clusters or aan het-phrases, and (ii) the premise that the N-part is no longer in object position after incorporation can now be held responsible for the impossibility of the merger of sentence negation. It remains mysterious, however, why this type of separable X+V collocation cannot undergo verb-second. It has been suggested that the reason for this is that verb-second can only affect words, that is, Vº's: since Vº cannot be extracted from V* and V* cannot undergo verb-second itself, the impossibility of verb-second follows. What is, of course, still needed in such an approach is a believable account of the observation that V*'s cannot undergo verb-second; this is currently under investigation and we refer the reader to Koopman (1995), Vikner (2005) and Booij (2010) for various attempts to provide an explanation for this.
      If the discussion above is on the right track, we can identify the three types of verbal collocation by their different kinds of verbal element: true compounds ([ X V]), phrasal projections ([V' X Vº]), and word-like V*-units ([V* X Vº]) derived by incorporation. This makes it possible to replace Table 3 by Table 4.

Table 4: Types of verbal collocations
  [XV] [V'X Vº] [V* X Vº]
A participial affix ge-X+V-d/t X ge-V-d/t X ge-V-d/t
  infinitival prefix te X+V X te V X te V
B verbal clusters V X Vmain X V Vmain V X Vmain
  aan het-phrase aan het X Vmain X aan het Vmain aan het X Vmain
  negation niet'not' geen'no' niet'not'
C verb-second + (non-split pattern) + (split pattern)

      In order to make the incorporation proposal watertight we should say something about the negation data in the primeless examples in (55), repeated here as (58). Given that the N+V collocation is split, we cannot assume that the N-part is incorporated in the V-part of the collocation. We therefore expect the N-part to be in the regular object position and, consequently, the merger of sentence negation to be obligatory; the use of niet should thus lead to ungrammaticality.

Example 58
a. dat Peter geen/#niet auto kan rijden.
  that  Peter  no/not  car  be.able  drive
  'that Peter isnʼt able to drive a car.'
b. dat Peter geen/#niet piano kan spelen.
  that  Peter  no/not  piano  be.able  play
  'that Peter isnʼt able to play the piano.'

That the examples with niet are not (fully) acceptable may find support in the fact that such examples are rare on the internet. Our Google searches (3/12/2015) on the strings [ niet auto kan rijden] and [ niet piano kan spelen] resulted in 54 hits. Moreover, the results include many cases in which the adverb niet is coordinated with the affirmative marker wel: given that examples such as (59) show that such coordinations block the merger of negation, these cases should be excluded, and this leaves us with no more than 20 relevant cases.

Example 59
a. Heb je wel of niet een auto gekocht?
  have  you  aff or not  a car  bought
  'Did you or did you not buy a car?'
b. * Heb je wel of geen auto gekocht?

Given that the corresponding search string [ geen auto kan rijden] and [ geen piano kan spelen] resulted in 213 hits, we might have to conclude that the uses of niet can be dismissed as writing errors as the relevant cases constitute about 10% of the attested cases. This would be in line with our own judgment that under neutral intonation the use of niet in examples such as (58) is marked compared to the use of geen. Recall that the restriction to neutral intonation is needed because the discussion of (56) has shown that the use of niet is possible in contrastive contexts.
      If one considers the 20 attested cases with niet sufficient for maintaining that the use of niet leads to a grammatical result, a coherent incorporation analysis must state that the X-part can not only be incorporated in the verbal part of the collocation but also in larger verb clusters; cf. Booij (2010). This result would be relatively easy to obtain under the traditional verb-raising analysis of verb clustering: verb raising is assumed to create an adjunction structure (similar to that resulting from noun incorporation) as the result of verb movement. If we assume that the base structure of an example such as (58a) is as given in (60a), verb raising may derive a structure such as (60b) with the syntactically derived complex head [V* kan rijden], and subsequent N-incorporation would lead to (60c). Since we have seen that N-incorporation is optional, we can now account for the fact that both geen and niet are possible in (58): in structure (60b) negation must merge with the indefinite N-part in direct object position, whereas in structure (60c) this is blocked by the fact that the N-part is part of an adjunction structure.

Example 60
a. ... NEG [V'.... [V' auto rijden] kan]
b. ... NEG [V'.... [V' auto trijden] [V* kan rijden]]
verb raising
c. ... NEG [V'.... [V'tautotrijden] [V* auto [V* kan rijden]]]
noun incorporation

Independent support of the claim that N-incorporation is possible into larger verb clusters may be found in the fact that examples such as (61) are at least marginally acceptable for some (but certainly not all) speakers of Dutch.

Example 61
a. ? dat Peter graag zou auto willen rijden.
  that  Peter gladly  would  car  like  drive
  'that Peter would like to drive a car.'
b. ? dat Peter graag zou piano willen spelen.
  that  Peter  gladly  would  piano  want  play
  'that Peter would like to play the piano.'

Under a verb-raising approach, example (61a) is derived as follows: starting from the structure in (62a) verb raising first creates the verb cluster [V* willen rijden] in (62b); subsequent N-incorporation in this cluster results in the structure [V* auto [V* willen rijden]] in (62c); finally, this complex is incorporated into the finite verb by means of verb raising, resulting in [V* zou [V* auto [V* willen rijden]]] in (62d). We refer the reader to Bennis (1992) for a similar derivation of verb clusters containing a particle verb in the order Vfinite–prt-Vinf–Vmain.

Example 62
a. ... NEG [V' ... [V'.... [V' auto rijden] willen] zou]
b. ... NEG [V' ... [V'.... [V' auto trijden] [V* willen rijden]] zou]
c. ... NEG [V' ... [V'.... [V'tautotrijden] [V* auto [V* willen rijden]]] zou]
d. ... NEG [V' ... [V'.... [V'tautotrijden] tauto willen rijden [V* zou [V* auto [V* willen rijden]]]]]

There are, however, also a number of potential problems for an approach based on noun incorporation and verb raising. A minor problem is that the rules determining the word order of the complex V* are quite complicated: while incorporation of nouns and adjectives involves left-adjunction, incorporation of verbs would (normally) involve right-adjunction. A more serious problem is related to the account of the primeless examples in (57), one of which is repeated here as (63a).

Example 63
a. Peter rijdt geen/*niet auto
  Peter drives  no/not  car
  'Peter doesnʼt drive.'
b. ... rijdt ... NEG [V'.... [V' auto trijdt]]
c. * .. rijdt ... NEG [V'.... [V'tauto [V* auto trijdt]]]

The fact that negation must be expressed by means of geen in verb-second structures such as (63a) was argued to result from a constraint prohibits extraction of Vº from V*-units: since (63c) violates this constraint, (63a) muing have the structure in (63b), which correctly predicts that the merger of negation with the direct object is obligatory. However, the claim that N-incorporation may also target verb clusters, needed to account for the examples in (58) marked by a number sign, presupposes that verb clusters are V*-units ([V* V V]) themselves. This raises the question as to how we can derive verb-second at all, given that this would always involve extraction of Vº from a V*-unit (at least under the traditional standard assumption that verb raising is obligatory). We will leave the question as to whether or not the use of the adverb niet gives rise to a grammatical result in examples such as (58) undecided and, consequently, it likewise remains open whether the assumption that noun incorporation into verb clusters is possible is really needed.

[+]  VI.  Immobile verbal collocations (3): type touwtje springen'to skip'

This subsection discusses X+V collocations of the type touwtje springen'to skip'. The examples in (64) show that the verb springen'to skip' is normally intransitive; this means that the N-part does not function as a theme of the verbal part (it has an adverbial interpretation instead).

Example 64
a. * Jan springt het rode touwtje.
  Jan skips  the red rope
b. Jan springt met het rode touwtje.
  Jan skips  with the red rope
  'Jan is skipping with the red rope'

Ackema's generalization that separable X+V collocations allow verb-second only if the X-part functions as a complement of the V-part thus predicts that touwtje springen is immobile. Our Google searches discussed in the introduction to this section have revealed that this prediction is not entirely correct. Verb-second can be found with this type of collocation but seems restricted to a number of specific contexts; it frequently occurs in headlines, headers, captions of pictures and movies, etc. Verb-second also occurs in sentences in which the collocation is used as part of a list, often in brief written reports of certain happenings. In other texts, verb-second seems relatively common in sentences with a generic or a habitual reading. In many cases, the three uses go together. Some typical examples from the internet are given in (65).

Example 65
a. Auto springt touwtje.
caption of a video
  car  skips  rope
b. Madonna zit op een troon en toont zich als koningin aan het publiek, de diva springt touwtje, is in een stoeipakje heerseres van de dansvloer en [...].
  'Madonna is sitting on a throne and shows herself as queen to the audience; the diva skips, dominates the dance floor in a sexy outfit, and [...]." [Algemeen Dagblad, September 2, 2008]'
c. Maxwell springt touwtje zoals een rechtshandige met links gooit.
generic
  Maxwell skips  rope  like   a right-handed  with left  throw
  'Maxwell skips like a right-handed person throws with his left hand.'

These cases are somewhat special and may therefore follow somewhat different rules. Captions such as (65a) require a certain brevity, and thus disfavor the more usual but lengthier progressive aan het + Vinfinitive construction. The phrase de diva springt touwtje in (65b) is part of a numeration of events, and verb-second may therefore be forced (or at least be favored) by some parallelism constraint on the structure. For cases such as (65a), we can certainly make a case for assuming that it should not be part of Dutch core grammar (= the automatically acquired part of grammar) but of its periphery (= the consciously learned part of it), and perhaps the same holds for cases such as (65b). If so, the claim that verb-second of collocations like touwtje springen is part of core grammar should rest on generic examples such as (65c), which do not allow the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive construction, and some more incidental cases (often from poems, stories and novels).
      The discussion above suggests that it would be justified to assign a special status to verb-second structures with N+V collocations like touwtje springen in (65); in fact, this would also follow from the hypothesis proposed in subsection V that the split pattern is only compatible with the phrasal structure [V' X Vº], in which N functions as a direct object. But this is not sufficient to exclude verb-second; if touwtje springen were a compound, we would wrongly expect verb-second of the full collocation [ X V]. The only remaining option therefore would be to assume that we are dealing with a word-like V*-unit ([V* X Vº]). We should note, however, that these V*-units are unlikely to be the result of syntactic incorporation given that X does not function as a complement of the verb, and this again would lead us to the conclusion that N+V collocations like touwtje springen are not part of core syntax. We will assume therefore that these quasi-incorporation structures are simply learned on an item-to-item basis, and listed as V*-units in the lexicon; see Booij (2010), who argues that all V*-units are lexically specialized and should therefore be listed in the lexicon. Other proposals that are in line with this view can be found in Koopman (1995) and Vikner (2005). If N+V collocations of the type touwtje springen are indeed listed in the lexicon as V*-units, we expect them to exhibit the properties indicated in the final column of Table 4.
      Let us broaden the empirical scope of our investigation and investigate this phenomenon on the basis of the four N+V collocations in (66). These were more or lesss randomly chosen from the earlier-mentioned list of (mainly) N+V collocations found at taaladvies.net/taal/advies/vraag/703, although we made sure that they satisfied the following three criteria: (i) the N-part of the collocation normally precedes the past/passive participial form of the verbal part as a whole (X + ge-V- d/t), (ii) the N-part cannot be interpreted as the theme argument of the verbal part, and (iii) the Van Dale dictionary states that the collocations as a whole are used in their infinitival form only. Cases that do not fit these criteria will be discussed in the following subsections.

Example 66
a. ballon varen
  balloon  sail
  'to balloon'
b. parachute springen
  parachute  jump
  'to parachute/skydive'
c. stelt lopen
  stilt  walk
  'to walk on stilts'
d. wad lopen
  mud.flats  walk
  'to cross the mud flats'
[+]  A.  Past/passive participles and te-infinitives

That Van Dale is wrong in claiming that these collocations only occur in their infinitival form is clear from our Google searches (11/13/2013) for past/passive participial forms. For each collocation we looked for two participial forms: X + ge-V- d/t and ge-X-V- d/t. Our search string did not have a space between the two words so as to exclude cases in which X is part of some preverbal constituent; this resulted in a lower number of hits for the form X + ge-V- d/t than if we had also searched for cases with a space. Duplicates or irrelevant cases were not extracted from the results, but we did check whether the desired passive/perfect-tense construction was included. As for the results for ge-X-V- d/t, it is often clear that either the writer was not sure which form to use or that he was joking: writers often provide both options and/or comment on the "correctness" of the form(s)—some of the attestations of gewadloopt and geparachutespri n gd (sometimes misspelled with a t) are found in the writer's reflections on the use of the two forms.

Example 67
Past/passive participle forms
  X + ge-V-d/t ge-X-V-d/t
ballon varen ballongevaren: 92 ballongevaard:1
parachute springen parachutegesprongen: 87 geparachutespringd: 9
stelt lopen steltgelopen: 11 gesteldloopt: 1
wad gelopen wadgelopen: 244 gewadloopt: 37

The results in (67) show that the participial form can be used fairly easily provided that the X-part precedes the preverbal part of the participial circumfix, which is also in line with our own intuitions. We are thus led to the conclusion that we are not dealing with compounds here, which in its turn predicts that the X-part should precede the infinitival marker te. In order to test this prediction, we also searched for the two strings [ om X te V] and [ om te X V] (in the latter case with and without a space between X and V). We included the infinitival complementizer om in our search string in order to exclude cases in which X is part of some preverbal constituent.

Example 68
Om + te forms
  om X te V omte X V
ballon varen om ballon te varen: 67 om te ballonvaren: 85
parachute springen om parachute te springen: 113 om te parachute springen: 76
stelt lopen om stelt te lopen: 7 om te stelt lopen: 13
wad lopen om wad te lopen: 32 om te wad lopen: 85

Interestingly, the results are now far less clear: both orders seem possible and there is sometimes even a preference for the second order. This leads us to the contradictory conclusion that the X+V collocations can be used as compounds after all.

[+]  B.  Progressive aan het + Vinfinitive constructions and verb clusters

In (69) we provide the results of our Google searches concerning the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive, which we have checked manually (although the larger numbers are estimates); for the form aan het X V we included cases with and without a space between X and V. As is to be expected on the assumption that we are dealing with a word-like V*-unit ([V* X Vº]), the verbal collocations normally cannot be split.

Example 69
Progressive aan het + V inf initive phrases
  aan het X V X aan het V
ballon varen aan het ballonvaren: 14 ballon aan het varen: 1
parachute springen aan het parachutespringen: 45 parachute aan het springen: 12
stelt lopen aan het steltlopen: 16 stelt aan het lopen: 0
wad lopen aan het wadlopen: 40 wad aan het lopen: 4

Note in passing that the manual check was only possible after filtering out several frequently occurring substrings in the results (e.g., by means of the search [[ ballon aan het varen] and [- de ballon]], which resulted in potentially relevant cases without the definite noun phrase de ballon; this may of course have led to the improper exclusion of cases such as Jan was ballon aan het varen toen de ballon in brand vloog'Jan was making a balloon flight, when the balloon caught fire'). The same holds for some of the other manual searches discussed below.
      Testing whether or not the X-part can precede clause-final verb clusters is not easy. As could be expected, our searches for the string [ X modal V] with the singular simple present form of the modals kunnen'can', willen'want', moeten'must' and zullen'will' did not yield any results for the collocations ballon varen and stelt lopen. We found 4 cases of [ wad modal lopen], which does not seem sufficient to warrant robust conclusions. There were many hits for the string [ parachute modal springen], with about 55 cases of the intended construction. Unfortunately, we cannot compare absolute numbers as the results for strings of the form [ modal X V] contain a large number of verb-second constructions.

Example 70
Verb clusters
  modal X V X modal V
ballon varen relatively frequent 0 cases
parachute springen relatively frequent relatively frequent
stelt lopen relatively frequent 0 cases
wad lopen relatively frequent 4 cases
[+]  C.  Sentence negation

It is not easy to apply the negation test to sentences with an infinitival form because the X+V collocations under discussion can readily be nominalized (cf. het parachute springen, which may refer to parachuting as such or lessons in parachuting) and such nominalizations can be preceded by the negative article geen'no': cf. We hebben vandaag geen parachutespringen'We will not have lessons in parachuting today'. We therefore used the search strings [ niet X + participle] and [ geen X + participle] with and without a space between X and the participle; the results are given in Table (71). For completeness' sake, we note that we found cases of the form [ niet/geen X te V inf] for parachute springen only: we found 4 cases with niet and 2 with geen.

Example 71
Sentence negation
  niet X participle geen X participle
ballon varen niet ballon gevaren: 7 geen ballon gevaren: 1
parachute springen niet parachute gesprongen: 13 geen parachute gesprongen: 9
stelt lopen niet stelt gelopen: 0 geen stelt gelopen: 0
wad lopen niet wad gelopen: 7 geen wad gelopen: 5
[+]  D.  Conclusion

What we have seen in the previous subsections is that the collocations in (66) exhibit a rather mixed behavior. The results in Table (67) clearly show that they do not count as compounds when it comes to participle formation. However, the results in Table (68) concerning the formation of te-infinitivals are more equivocal with regard to compound status. It seems nevertheless safe to conclude that we are not dealing with true compounds and this may explain that the collocations cannot undergo verb-second as a whole. Tables (69)-(71) show that the collocations tend to behave as word-like V*-units ([V* X Vº]), as shown by the second column of these tables; this could be the reason why these collocations tend not to undergo verb-second. However, some of the more frequently used forms like parachute springen and (to a lesser extent) wad lopen occasionally exhibit a more phrasal structure [V' X Vº] behavior, as evidenced by the third columns in (69) to (71). This may perhaps be held responsible for the fact that verb-second is possible under more restricted circumstances. What remains mysterious from a theoretical point of view is that the collocations of the type touwtje springen'to skip' cannot be analyzed as compounds: Subsection V has shown that the X-part normally functions as a complement of the verbal part in structures like [V' X Vº] and [V* X Vº], while the nominal part of the type touwtje springen rather receives an adverbial interpretation.

[+]  VII.  Immobile verbal collocations (4): type stijl dansen'to ballroom dance'

This subsection discusses collocations like stijl dansen, which differ from the collocations discussed in the previous sections in that the N-part can remain adjacent to the verbal part in the corresponding past/passive participial form. We will investigate forms that satisfy the following three criteria: (i) the N-part of the collocation normally remains left-adjacent to the verbal part in past/passive participial forms ( ge-X-V- d/t), (ii) the N-part cannot be interpreted as the theme argument of the verbal part, and (iii) the Van Dale dictionary states that the collocation occurs in its infinitival form only.
      There are in fact not many collocations that satisfy these criteria. Booij (2010: 112) provides eight potential cases (only three of which can also be found in the list found at Taaladvies.net). We omitted steengrillen'stone grilling' as it does not satisfy criterion (iii). We also omitted buikspreken'to ventriloquize' and mastklimmen'to pole climb', because for these verbs we did not find any cases that satisfied criterion (i); gebuikspreekt was only used in discussions on the correct form of the past participle and gemastklimd did not occur at all. This leaves us with the four forms in (72) besides stijl dansen (although it is certainly possible to find more cases like, e.g., mond schilderen'to paint with the mouth', windsurfen'to be windsurfing' and watertrappelen'to tread water').

Example 72
a. koord dansen
  rope  dance
  'to walk a tight rope/high wire'
b. vinger verven
  finger  paint
  'to finger-paint'
c. zak lopen
  sack  walk
  'to run a sack race'
d. zee zeilen
  sea  sail
  'to sail the ocean'

Note in passing that it is not clear whether stijl dansen itself satisfies criterion (ii) given that examples such as Kaylah danst voornamelijk de Egyptische stijl'Kaylah mainly dances the Egyptian style' are quite frequent on the internet. Although we consider this use marked, it might indicate that we are actually dealing with a collocation in which the N-part is a theme argument of the verbal part; see Subsection VIII. We will not elaborate on this issue here.

[+]  A.  Past/passive participles and te-infinitives

Let us first look at the past/passive participle form of the collocations in (72). For each collocation a search was made for two forms: X + ge-V- d/t and ge-X-V- d/t. We spelled the first form without a space in order to exclude cases in which X is part of some preverbal constituent; this may have resulted in a lower number of hits for the form X + ge-V- d/t than we would have had if we had also searched for cases with a space. Duplicates or irrelevant cases were not weeded out but we did check whether the desired construction was included. The results in Table (73) show us that three of the four collocations tend to be treated like true compounds (especially since many of the hits in the second column must be dismissed as irrelevant for various reasons). It seems likely that zaklopen should be dismissed from this set: if we take into account that many more cases can be found if we include cases with a space between the N-part zak and the V-part gelopen, the collocation seems rather to belong to the type touwtje springen discussed in the previous subsection than to the type under discussion here.

Example 73
Past/passive participle forms
  X + ge-V-d/t ge-X-V-d/t
koord dansen koord gedanst: 12 gekoorddanst: 37
vinger verven vinger geverfd: 18 gevingerverfd: 216
zaklopen zak gelopen: 103 gezakloopt: 22
zeezeilen zee gezeild: 6 gezeezeild: 17

The overall picture that emerges from Table (73) seems to be confirmed by the results of our Google searches on te-infinitival forms in Table (74), although again there are cases in which the collocations are split.

Example 74
Om + te forms
  om X te V omte X V
koord dansen om koord te dansen: 11 om te koord dansen: 29
vinger verven om vinger te verven: 0 om te vinger verven: 33
zaklopen om zak te lopen: 13 om te zak lopen: 19
zeezeilen om zee te zeilen: 0 om te zee zeilen: 27
[+]  B.  Progressive aan het + Vinfinitive constructions, verb clusters and negation

The tendency to construe the collocations as compounds makes it very likely for them to exhibit the behavior of a syntactic unit. This is fully confirmed by the results in Table (75). A manual check of the results for the string [ X aan het V] showed that there is not a single case in which the collocations are split in the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive constructions. Given this result, we did not bother to apply the verb clustering and the negation test.

Example 75
Progressive aan het + V infinitive phrases
  aan het X V X aan het V
koord dansen aan het koorddansen: 85 koord aan het dansen: 0
vinger verven aan het vingerverven: 90 vinger aan het verven: 0
zaklopen aan het zaklopen: 69 zak aan het lopen: 0
zeezeilen aan het zeezeilen: 23 zee aan het zeilen: 0
[+]  C.  Conclusion

Given the discussion in the previous subsections, it will not be surprising that in the relatively rare cases of verb-second the collocations in (72) will be treated as true compounds. Whereas it is fairly easy to find verb-second of the full collocation, we did not succeed in finding cases of the split pattern in sentences with third person singular simple present verb forms. This was checked manually after filtering out several frequently occurring substrings in the results, e.g., by means of the Google search [[ zeilt * zee] and [- op zee]], which results in potentially split verb-second constructions without the adverbial phrase op zee'at sea'.
      The fact that the collocations in (72) can be treated as regular compounds does raise a question, however: why do these verbs tend to not undergo verb-second at all. The answer to this problem seems to be related to the fact that speakers are somewhat uncertain about the compound analysis of the collocations in question, as is clear from the results in Tables (73) and (74). This may result in a tendency to avoid verb-second in favor of constructions involving the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive construction. If correct, this suggests that we are dealing with a performance restriction, which unfortunately would imply that no further light can be shed on this issue from a syntactic point of view.

[+]  VIII.  Immobile verbal collocations (5): type gedachtelezen'to mind-read'

This subsection discusses collocations like gedachte lezen'to mind-read', which differ from the collocations in the previous subsections in that the N-part does function as a theme of the V-part. There need be no a priori expectations concerning the question as to whether such collocations are compounds ([ X V]), syntactically derived V*-units ([V* X Vº]), or phrasal structures ([V' X Vº]). We therefore simply selected cases from the earlier-mentioned list of N+V collocations found at taaladvies.net/taal/advies/vraag/703 satisfying the van Dale dictionary criterion that they occur in their infinitival form only. We included one clearly idiomatic case, lijn trekken'to slack off/to malinger', and one case in which the N-part corresponds to the nominal part of a PP-complement, spoor zoeken'to trace'; cf. zoeken naar sporen'to search for traces'.

Example 76
a. hand lezen
  hand read
  'to palm read'
b. kogel stoten
  ball  shoot
  'to shot-put'
c. lijn trekken
  line draw
  'to malinger'
d. spoor zoeken
  trace   search
  'to track'
[+]  A.  Past/passive participles and te-infinitives

For each collocation we looked for two participial forms: X + ge-V- d/t and ge-X-V- d/t. We spelled the forms without a space in order to exclude cases in which X is part of some preverbal constituent; this resulted in a lower number of cases of the form X + ge-V- d/t than we would have harvested if we had also searched for cases with a space. The results in (77) were checked manually and the numbers refer to attested cases of the looked-for construction.

Example 77
Past/passive participle forms
  X + ge-V-d/t ge-X-V-d/t
hand lezen hand gelezen: 9 gehandleesd: 0
kogel stoten kogel gestoten: 26 gekogelstoot: 18
lijn trekken lijn getrokken: 10 gelijntrekt: 0
spoor zoeken spoor gezocht: 10 gespoorzoekt: 3

Table (78) shows the results for our Google searches for the strings [ om X te V] and [ om te X V], the latter with and without a space between X and V. The results were checked manually and the numbers again refer to attested cases of the intended construction.

Example 78
Om + te forms
  om X te V omte X V
hand lezen om hand te lezen: 4 om te hand lezen: 5
kogel stoten om kogel te stoten: 13 om te kogel stoten: 37
lijn trekken om lijn te trekken: 9 om te lijntrekken: 2
spoor zoeken om spoor te zoeken: 13 om te spoorzoeken: 15

The results in Tables (77) and (78) are ambivalent: whereas (77) suggests that speakers seem to disfavor a compound analysis for the collocations in (76), we cannot draw such a conclusion from (78).

[+]  B.  Progressive aan het + Vinfinitive constructions, verb clusters and negation

The results in Table (79) suggest that a phrasal analysis is excluded; given the large number of irrelevant hits for the string [ aan het X-V], we stopped counting after we found 10 instantiations of the construction we were looking for.

Example 79
Progressive aan het + V infinitive phrases
  aan het X V X aan het V
hand lezen aan het handlezen: 6 hand aan het lezen: 3
kogel stoten aan het kogelstoten: > 10 kogel aan het stoten: 1
lijn trekken aan het lijntrekken: > 10 lijn aan het trekken: 0
spoor zoeken aan het spoorzoeken: > 10 spoor aan het zoeken: 0

That the phrasal analysis is at best marginally available seems to be confirmed by the results of the verb-clustering test. Given the results in (79), we applied this test only to the collocations hand lezen and kogel stoten. The string [ hand kan lezen] resulted in 4 instantiations and the string [ kogel kan stoten] in just one instantiation of the construction. This contrasts sharply with the strings [ kan handlezen] and [ kan kogelstoten], which resulted in many relevant hits. The search strings [ geen hand * kan lezen] and [ geen kogel kan stoten] resulted in just one relevant case for hand lezen.

[+]  C.  Conclusion

The previous subsections show that the collocations in (76) are preferably analyzed as V*-units and consequently correctly predict that verb-second is strongly disfavored. The results in the third column of Table (79) show first of all that these collocations cannot readily be analyzed as phrasal ([V' X Vº]), so that the split pattern does not easily appear either. The results in Table (77) show that they cannot readily be analyzed as compounds ([ X V]), so that they cannot undergo verb-second as a whole either. As was also observed for collocations like touwtje springen, discussed in Subsection IV, it seems that the results in Table (78) are problematical for this account of the immobility of collocations like hand lezen because they suggest that a compound analysis is also possible.

[+]  IX.  Immobile verbal collocations (6): particle verbs ( vooraanmelden'to preregister')

This section discusses a type of X+V collocation that has probably received most attention in the linguistic literature, namely particle verbs. Particle verbs are verbs preceded by a preposition-like element, that is, P+V collocations. Such collocations are like other types of X+V collocation in that there are various subtypes when it comes to verb-second: there are collocations that undergo verb-second as a whole, collocations that are split under verb-second, and collocations that resist verb-second in any form.

Example 80
a. dat Jan de mogelijkheden overweegt.
inseparable P+V collocation
  that  Jan the possibilities  considers
  'that Jan is considering the possibilities.'
a'. Jan overweegt de mogelijkheden.
  Jan considers  the possibilities
b. dat Marie zich voor het examen aanmeldt.
separable P+V collocation
  that  Marie refl  for the exam  prt.-registers
  'that Marie registers for the exam.'
b'. Marie meldt zich voor het examen aan.
  Marie  registers  refl  for the exam  prt.
c. dat Marie zich voor het examen vooraanmeldt.
immobile P+V collocation
  that  Marie refl  for the exam  pre-prt.-registers
  'that Marie preregisters for the exam.'
c'. * Marie vooraanmeldt zich voor het examen.
  Marie  pre.-prt.-registers  refl  for the exam
c''. * Marie meldt zich voor het examen vooraan.
  Marie  registers  refl  for the exam  prt.-prt.

Inseparable and separable P+V collocations differ as to the placement of word stress. Inseparable collocations are normally considered compounds, and are characterized by the fact that they have main stress on the second member: the P+V collocation in (80a) is pronounced as over we gen, not as o verwegen. Separable collocations, on the other hand, exhibit a stress pattern that is typical of verb phrases consisting of a verb and a complementive, that is, they have stress on the preverbal element: the P+V collocation in (80b) is pronounced as aan melden, not as aan mel den. The examples in (81) illustrate this again for the ambiguous verb voorkomen, and we refer to Section P1.2.4, sub IV for a more detailed comparison of the two types of P+V collocations. In what follows we will follow the general practice of restricting the term particle verb to separable (and immobile) P+V collocations.

Example 81
a. dat het gebruik van een helm serieuze ongelukken voorkomt.
compound
  that  the use of a helmet  grave accidents  prevents
  'that the use of a helmet will prevent grave accidents.'
a'. Het gebruik van een helm voorkomt serieuze ongelukken.
  the use of a helmet  prevents  grave accidents
b. dat dit soort serieuze ongelukken vaak voorkomt.
particle verb
  that this type [of] grave accidents  often  prt.-occurs
  'that this type of grave accidents occurs often.'
b'. Dit soort serieuze ongelukken komt vaak voor.
  this type [of] grave accidents  occurs  often  prt.

A typical property of immobile particle verbs like voor aan melden'to preregister' in (80c) is that there are two independent particles involved, that is, that we are dealing with the structure [voor [aan melden]]. That the two particles are independent of each other is crucial in view of the fact that a particle verb like vooraan plaatsen'to place in front', in which vooraan is a complex preposition, counts as a regular, separable particle verb with the structure [[voor+aan] plaatsen]: We plaatsen de kinderen vooraan'we place the children in front'. The two cases can again be distinguished by their stress pattern: the complex preposition has stress on the second member ( voor aan plaatsen), whereas in the double particle case main stress is on the first particle ( voor aan melden).
      There are in fact not many double particle verbs like voor aan melden. This is to be expected as verbal particles generally have the syntactic function of complementive, and clauses cannot normally have more than one complementive; cf. Section 2.2. The collocation voor aan melden is the example normally used as an illustration in the linguistic literature, but in (82) we provide a number of other cases that can be found in the Van Dale dictionary or on the internet. Note that we have not been able to find any cases in which a verbal particle forms a collocation with a P+V compound; we did find vooronderstellen'to presuppose' but this complex form behaves as a compound itself.

Example 82
a. onder aan besteden'to assign a commission to a subcontractor'
b. onder aan nemen'to accept a commission as a subcontractor'
c. voor aan melden'to preregister'
d. voor af beelden/s piegelen'to foretell in metaphorical form'
e. voor in schrijven'to preregister/presubscribe'
f. voor in tekenen'to presubscribe'

Immobile particle verbs also arise when a separable particle verb like aanmelden'to register' in (80b) is prefixed with the prefix her- 're-'. Prefixation with her- of inseparable P+V compounds like over wegen'to consider' in (80a), on the other hand, does not affect the verb-second property; the prefixed form will undergo verb-second as a whole. This is illustrated in (83).

Example 83
a. dat Jan de mogelijkheden heroverweegt.
inseparable compound verb
  that  Jan the possibilities  reconsiders
  'that Jan is reconsidering the possibilities.'
a'. Jan heroverweegt de mogelijkheden.
  Jan reconsiders  the possibilities
b. dat Marie zich voor het examen heraanmeldt.
immobile particle verb
  that  Marie refl  for the exam  re-prt.-registers
  'that Marie is reregistering for the exam.'
b'. * Marie heraanmeldt zich voor het examen.
  Marie  re-prt.-registers  refl  for the exam
b''. * Marie meldt zich voor het examen heraan.
  Marie  registers  refl  for the exam  re-prt.

In (84), we provide some examples of P+V compounds and particle verbs prefixed with her-, taken from the Van Dale dictionary; as P+V compounds are relatively rare, it need not surprise us that inseparable cases such as (84a) are heavily outnumbered by immobile cases such as (84b).

Example 84
a. Inseparable: heronderzoeken'to reinvestigate', heroverwegen'to reconsider'
b. Immobile: heraanbesteden'to contract out again', heraanstellen'to re-appoint', herindelen'to reclassify', herindijken'to re-embank', herinvoeren'to reintroduce', heropbouwen'to rebuild', heropleven'to revive anew', heropnemen'to restart', heroprichten'to re-establish', heropvoeden to re-educate', heropvoeren'to perform again', heruitrusten'to re-equip'

      The previous subsections have shown that many immobile N+V collocations exhibit properties that we have attributed to syntactically derived or lexically listed V*-units ([V* X Vº]). From a theoretical point of view, a similar analysis seems possible for particle verbs since verbal particles are often analyzed syntactically as predicative complements of the verb (i.e., complementives) and are thus expected to be able to undergo incorporation; we refer the reader to Subsections I and V for further discussion. Recall from our discussion above example (82) that we have not been able to find any cases in which a P+V compound is combined with a verbal particle, which explains the empty cell in this table.

Example 85
P+V collocations (plus verbal particle or prefix her-)
  compound particle verb
P+V collocation overwegen aanmelden
double particle verb vooraanmelden
prefixed with her- heroverwegen heraanmelden

In the remainder of this subsection we will investigate from this perspective the double particle verb and the prefixed P+V collocation from Table (85). We will follow the list of relevant properties in Table 4; the expression of sentence negation is of course irrelevant given that it applies specifically to N+V collocations.

[+]  A.  The formation of past/passive participles

P+V compounds like overwegen are somewhat special in that they do not get the regular participial circumfixge-...-d/t. The preverbal part ge- is obligatorily truncated, which results in the (irregular) form overwogen in (86a) instead of the expected form * ge overwogen; as is expected for a compound, * over ge wogen is also impossible. Example (86b) shows that separable particle verbs like aanmelden do get the preverbal ge- part of the regular circumfix and that, as expected for a separable X+V collocation, the verbal particle must precede it: * ge aanmeld.

Example 86
a. Jan heeft de mogelijkheden overwogen.
  Jan has  the possibilities  considered
  'Jan has considered the possibilities.'
b. Jan heeft zich aangemeld.
  Jan has  refl  prt.-registered
  'Jan has registered.'

The examples in (87) show that double particle verbs essentially behave like regular particle verbs: the full circumfix ge-...-d/t is used and the ge- part must be adjacent to the verbal part of the collocation, that is, it is obligatory and placing it in front of the first or the second particle results in unacceptability. This is also clear from our Google searches; the past/passive participles vooraan ge meld and voorin ge tekend occur frequently (> 100 hits) on the internet, whereas the forms * ge vooraanmeld, * voor ge aanmeld, * ge voorintekend and * voor ge ï ntekend are not found at all. Note in passing that we placed the simplex reflexive in (87b) between parentheses because constructions like these can be found on the internet both with and without it, that is, some but not all speakers make the collocation inherently reflexive.

Example 87
a. Jan heeft zich vooraangemeld.
  Jan has  refl  prt.-prt.-registered
  'Jan has preregistered.'
b. Jan heeft (zich) vooringetekend voor het boek.
  Jan has   refl prt-subscribed   to the book
  'Jan presubscribed to the book.'

The examples in (88) show that the use of her- leaves the properties of the input unaffected: heroverwegen behaves like overwegen in that it does not allow the preverbal ge- part of the participial circumfix, and heraanmelden behaves like aanmelden in that the ge- part is obligatory and must be adjacent to the verb.

Example 88
a. Jan heeft zijn beslissing heroverwogen.
  Jan has  his decision  re-considered
  'Jan has reconsidered his decision.'
b. Jan heeft zich heraangemeld.
  Jan has  refl  re-prt.-registered
  'Jan has reregistered.'

It should be pointed out that it has been claimed for certain particle verbs that the form prefixed with her- has a certain flexibility in its participial form. One case is heropvoeden. Bennis (1993) notes that his informants accept the first three forms in (89); the only form rejected categorically is the one in (89d). We tested this by means of a Google search on each form; duplicates or irrelevant cases were not filtered out from the results, but we did check whether the intended construction was included. We use the indication <201 in (89a) because the form heropvoed is frequently used as a finite, first person singular form, as a result of which the precise number of participial uses could not be determined. The em-dash in (89d) indicates that a cursory look immediately revealed that all cases of hergeopvoed were of dubious origin. We also searched for the following strings: [ heeft * V], [ heeft V] and [ V heeft] in order to get an impression of the use of the strings as past participles; as the numbers were generally low, we checked the results manually. We stopped counting the past participle heropgevoed after we had found 20 occurrences (which happened after we checked the first 30 of 60 hits in total).

Example 89
a. heropvoed [participle: <201] [past participle: 3]
b. geheropvoed [participle: 39] [past participle: 0]
c. heropgevoed [participle: 486] [past participle: >20]
d. hergeopvoed [participle: —] [past participle: 0]

The results in (89) suggest that some speakers may indeed feel that heropvoeden is a compound verb. It is doubtful, however, whether this can be generalized to other cases such as heraanmelden: whereas a search for heraangemeld resulted in 70 hits, there were only two relevant cases with geheraanmeld and none with heraanmeld.

[+]  B.  The formation of te-infinitives

The examples in (90) show that the compound verb overwegen cannot be split, whereas the particle verb aan melden must be split in certain contexts. Note again that the orders marked with a star can be found on the internet, but since the numbers are small and the results sound extremely bizarre, we have decided to simply ignore them.

Example 90
a. Jan zit de mogelijkheden te overwegen/*over te wegen.
  Jan sits  the possibilities  to consider
  'Jan is considering the possibilities.'
b. Jan probeert zich aan te melden/*te aanmelden.
  Jan tries  refl  prt.  to register
  'Jan is trying to register.'

Our Google search on the string [ vooraan te melden] resulted in 28 hits, only three of which involved the construction aimed at. However, the results for the string [ voor aan te melden] (with a space between the two particles) include an uncertain number of relevant cases: in the majority of the results, voor seems to function as the prepositional part of a pronominal PP (e.g. Hij probeert zich hier tijdig voor aan te melden'He is trying to register for this in time'), but we managed to find a small number of cases of the intended construction while browsing through the first 100 results. Since the string [ te vooraan melden] resulted in just one relevant case, it seems safe to conclude that voor aan melden behaves as a (separable) particle verb. The string [ voor in te tekenen] resulted in 60 hits, but not all hits involved the construction looked for; we stopped our manual count after we found 20 relevant cases; the string [ voorin te tekenen] resulted in four more relevant hits. Our search on [ te voor intekenen], with various placements of extra spaces, resulted in just two hits, so that we can again conclude that we are dealing with a (separable) particle verb.

Example 91
a. Jan heeft besloten zich voor aan te melden.
  Jans has decided refl pre prt. to register
  'Jan has decided to preregister.'
b. Jan heeft besloten (zich) voor in te tekenen voor het boek.
  Jans has  decided  refl  pre  prt.  to subscribe  to the book
  'Jan has decided to presubscribe to the book.'

      The results of our Google searches for similar examples with her- are far from unequivocal. The numbers in square brackets in (92) are the combined results of searches for various variants of the strings [ te her-P-V] and [ her-P te V], e.g., with or without a space between her and the P-element. Naturally, the results for the (a)-examples are in line with our earlier conclusion that the use of her- does not affect the separability of the input collocation, but the results for the (b)-examples are surprising in that they show that heraanmelden sometimes behaves like a compound.

Example 92
a. Jan heeft besloten zijn beslissing te heroverwegen.
494
  Jan has  decided  his decision  to reconsider
  'Jan decided to reconsider his decision.'
a'. * Jan heeft besloten zijn beslissing herover te wegen.
2
b. Jan heeft besloten zich te heraanmelden.
5
  Jan has  decided  refl  to re-prt-register
  'Jan has decided to reregister.'
b'. Jan heeft besloten zich heraan te melden.
9

For completeness' sake, (93) shows that the result is even more spectacular in the case of heropvoeden: (89) has shown that it is sometimes treated as a compound in the case of participle formation. The results of our Google searches show that in the majority of te-infinitives this collocation is treated as a compound.

Example 93
a. te heropvoeden
511
  to re-prt.-educate
  'to re-educate'
b. herop te voeden
314
c. her te opvoeden
4
[+]  C.  Word order in progressive aan het + Vinfinitive constructions

Our Google searches on progressive constructions like [ vooraan aan het melden] and [ aan het vooraanmelden], with various placements of extra spaces, did not result in any cases of the construction we are investigating, and we therefore simply provide our own judgments in (94). Examples such as (94a) are also discussed in Blom (2005), who assigns them a question mark. Unfortunately, she does not discuss the order in (94b), which to our ears sounds far more degraded. Blom also notes that separating the two particles, as in (94c), is impossible.

Example 94
a. dat Jan zich aan het voor aan melden is.
  that  Jan refl  aan het  pre  prt. register  is
  'that Jan is preregistering.'
b. ?? dat Jan zich vooraan aan het melden is.
c. * dat Jan zich voor aan het aanmelden is.

For completeness' sake, note that (94b) is fully acceptable if vooraan is construed as an adverbial phrase of place, which requires the compound stress pattern voor aan. In (94c), voor can readily be interpreted as a locational adverbial phrase. This is, of course, irrelevant to our present discussion.
      Example (95) contains similar cases with voorintekenen. Since we were not able to find any relevant cases on the internet, our own judgments must suffice. Although (95a) may be considered somewhat marked by some speakers, it sharply contrasts with (95b&c), which seem severely degraded. Example (95c) is again acceptable with the irrelevant adverbial reading of voor.

Example 95
a. dat Jan (zich) aan het voor in tekenen is.
  that  Jan   refl  aan het  pre  prt.  subscribe  is
  'that Jan is presubscribing.'
b. ?? dat Jan (zich) voorin aan het tekenen is.
c. * dat Jan (zich) voor aan het intekenen is.

      We now proceed to similar examples for cases with her-. Example (96) shows first that heroverwegen, in accordance with our findings above that it exhibits compound behavior, cannot be split; cases like (96b&c) do not occur on the internet.

Example 96
a. Jan is zijn beslissing aan het heroverwegen.
  Jan is his decision  aan het  reconsider
  'Jan is reconsidering his decision.'
b. * Jan is zijn beslissing herover aan het wegen.
c. * Jan is zijn beslissing her aan het overwegen.

Although verbs like heraanmelden can be optionally split by the infinitival marker te, our judgments on the examples in (97) indicate that the split is not possible in the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive construction.

Example 97
a. Jan is zich aan het heraanmelden.
  Jan is refl  aan het  re-prt.-register
  'Jan is reregistering'
b. * Jan is zich her aan aan het melden.
c. * Jan is zich her aan het aanmelden.

Although there are no relevant cases of heraanmelden on the internet, our judgments seem to be confirmed by similar Google searches for the verbs herindelen'to reclassify', herinvoeren'to reintroduce', heropbouwen'to rebuild', and heropvoeden 'to re-educate': all these verbs frequently occur in the string [ aan het her + particle + V infinitive] but virtually never in the string [ her + particle + aan het + Vinfinitive]. The conclusion we can draw from the discussion above is that verbs like vooraanmelden and heraanmelden cannot be analyzed as phrasal ([V' X Vº]), but must be seen as word-like V*-units ([V* X Vº]); see Table 4.

[+]  D.  Word order in verb cluster constructions

Our judgments on the word order in the verb clusters in (98) lead to the same conclusion as in the previous subsection. The search strings [ moet vooraanmelden] and [ kan voorinschrijven] in the primeless examples can be found on the internet, albeit scantily sometimes; our Google searches resulted in 2 relevant hits for the former and 10 for the latter. We were not able to find any instances of the orders in the primed examples. It stands to reason that we have ignored cases in which the P-elements were used with an adverbial meaning or where they were part of a split pronominal PP.

Example 98
a. Zoek uit of je je moet vooraanmelden via Blackboard.
  find  out  whether  you  refl  must pre-prt.-register  via Blackboard
  'Find out whether you have to preregister via Blackboard.'
a'. *? Zoek uit of je je vooraan moet melden via Blackboard.
a''. * Zoek uit of je je voor moet aanmelden via Blackboard.
b. Ik lees net dat ik niet meer kan voorinschrijven.
  read  just  that  no longer  can  pre-prt-subscribe
  'Iʼm just reading here that I can no longer preregister.'
b'. *? Ik lees net dat ik niet meer voorin kan schrijven.
b''. * Ik lees net dat ik niet meer voor kan inschrijven.

Our judgments on the examples in (99) again lead to the same conclusion. The search strings [ moet her aanmelden] and [ moet voorinschrijven] in the primeless examples are easy to find on the internet; our Google searches resulted in 3 relevant hits for the former and 46 for the latter. We were not able to find any instances of the orders in the primed examples.

Example 99
a. dat je je bij het opstarten moet heraanmelden.
  that  one  refl  with the booting  must  re-prt.-register
  'During booting one has to reregister.'
a'. * dat je je bij het opstarten her aan moet melden.
  that  one  refl  with the booting  re-  prt  must  register
b. Ik weet niet goed hoe ik mij moet herinschrijven.
  know  not  well  how  refl  must  re-prt.-write
  'Iʼm not certain how to reregister.'
b'. Ik weet niet goed hoe ik mij her in moet schrijven.
  know  not  well  how  refl  re-  prt.  must  write
[+]  E.  Conclusion

The discussion above has shown that double particle verbs like voor aan melden'preregister' and particle verbs prefixed with her- behave like V*-units; they can be separated when the formation of past/passive participles or te-infinitives is involved, but not in progressive aan het + Vinfinitive or verb-cluster constructions. The fact that they resist verb-second is therefore expected; see Table 4.

[+]  X.  Immobile verbal collocations (7): type voorverkopen'to sell in advance'

This subsection concludes with a brief discussion of a type of immobile verb that has received relatively little attention in the literature so far; see Den Dikken (2003) for some preliminary remarks. Consider the examples in (100), in which a verb prefixed with ver- is preceded by some particle-like element.

Example 100
a. dat Jan de oven voorverwarmt.
separable
  that  Jan  the oven  prt-ver-heats
  'that Jan is preheating the oven.'
a'. Jan verwarmt de oven voor.
b. dat Jan de motor oververhit.
inseparable/compound
  that  Jan the engine  prt.-ver-heats
  'that Jan is overheating the engine.'
b'. Jan oververhit de motor.
c. dat Jan de kaartjes voorverkoopt.
immobile
  that  Jan  the tickets  prt.-ver-sells
  'that Jan is selling the tickets in advance.'
c'. * Jan voorverkoopt de kaartjes.
c''. * Jan verkoopt de kaartjes voor.

The (a)-examples behave more or lesss as expected given that particle verbs are normally separable, so nothing much needs to be said about these cases. The (b)-examples are also as expected since over with the meaning component "too much" normally behaves as a prefix and is thus expected to be pied-piped under verb-second; cf. Jan overvoedt zijn kat'Jan is giving his cat too much food'. The (c)-examples are the unexpected, immobile cases, which allow neither pied piping nor stranding, and simply resist verb-second altogether.
      Since verbs prefixed with ver- block the realization of the preverbal part of the participial circumfix ge-...-d/t, we can only determine whether or not the P+V collocations are compounds by investigating the te-infinitives in (101). As expected, the inseparable P+V collocation in the (b)-examples must appear as a unit after the inflectional element te, whereas the two other collocation types cannot; although some speakers may feel uncomfortable with example (101c), they will agree that it is much better than its primed counterpart.

Example 101
a. Jan belooft de oven voor te verwarmen.
separable
  Jan promises  the over  prt.  to ver-heat
  'Jan promises to preheat the oven.'
a'. * Jan belooft de oven te voorverwarmen.
b. Jan belooft de motor niet te oververhitten.
inseparable/compound
  Jan promises  the engine  not  to over-ver-heat
  'Jan promises not to overheat the engine.'
b'. * Jan belooft de motor niet over te verhitten.
c. ? Jan probeert de kaartjes voor te verkopen.
immobile
  Jan tries  the tickets  prt  to sell
  'Jan is trying to sell the tickets in advance.'
c'. * Jan probeert de kaartjes te voorverkopen.

We expect the separable collocation voor verwarmen to differ from the immobile collocation voor verkopen in that only the former can be split in the progressive aan het + Vinfinitive constructions. Our judgments given in (102) indicate that this is indeed borne out. These judgments seem to be confirmed by a Google search (11/2/2015): the split form [ voor aan het verwarmen] indeed occurs on the internet a couple of times while the string [ voor aan het verkopen] could not be found.

Example 102
a. Jan is de oven <(?)voor> aan het <voor> verwarmen.
separable
  Jan is the over        prt.  aan het  heat
  'Jan is preheating the oven.'
b. Jan is de kaartjes <*?voor> aan het <voor> verkopen.
immobile
  Jan is the tickets      prt.  aan het  sell
  'Jan is selling the tickets in advance.'

For completeness' sake, we also provide our judgments on the verb-clustering constructions. Unfortunately, we were not able to find support for our judgments by unequivocal internet data given that there was too much interfering data. Again [ voor zal verwarmen] does occur on the internet, while the search for [voor zal verkopen] did not result in any relevant case.

Example 103
a. dat Jan de oven <(?)voor> zal <voor> verwarmen.
separable
  that  Jan  the oven        prt.  will  heat
  'that Jan will preheat the oven.'
b. dat Jan de kaartjes <??voor> zal <voor> verkopen.
immobile
  that  Jan  the tickets       prt. will  sell
  'that Jan will be selling the tickets in advance.'

The data discussed in this subsection confirm our expectation that the immobile P+V collocation voorverkopen is a V*-unit. Many questions remain, however, such as what determines whether we are dealing with a separable or an inseparable collocation. We will leave this for future research.

[+]  XI.  Summary

This section has discussed various verb types that resist verb-second in main clauses. Verb-second resistance was found in certain X+V collocations like touwtje springen'to skip', in double particle verbs like voor aan melden'to preregister', and in particle verbs preceded by the prefix her- like heraan m elden 'to reregister'. In order to provide sufficient background information for the discussion of these so-called immobile verbs, Subsections I-III provided evidence that there are at least three types of X+V collocations with the distinguishing properties indicated in Table 5. The first type, [ X Vº], is made up of true compounds; the constituent parts X and V cannot be targeted individually by the morphological and syntactic processes indicated in the rows A to C. The second type, [V' X Vº], consists of phrasal constituents; the constituent parts X and V can be targeted individually by the morphological and syntactic processes indicated in the rows A to C. The third type, [V* X Vº], is a kind of in-between category; the constituent parts of the V*-unit can be targeted individually by the morphological processes in the A-row but not by the syntactic processes in the B-row. Moreover, V*-units are special in that they are immobile; verb-second can neither affect the verbal part in isolation nor the collocation as a whole.

Table 5: Types of verbal collocations
  [XV] [V'X Vº] [V* X Vº]
A participial affix ge-X+V-d/t X ge-V-d/t X ge-V-d/t
  infinitival prefix te X+V X te V X te V
B verbal clusters V X Vmain X V Vmain V X Vmain
  aan het-phrase aan het X Vmain X aan het Vmain aan het X Vmain
  negation niet'not' geen'no' niet'not'
C verb-second + (non-split pattern) + (split pattern)

The immobile V*-units seem to fall apart in at least two subtypes. First, Subsection IV has shown that (optional) syntactic incorporation into the verb of (i) a bare nominal object, (ii) a bare adjectival complementive or (iii) a bare adposition (=verbal particle) can create an immobile V*-unit. Second, Subsection VI has shown that there are also V*-units like touwtje springen'to skip' which cannot have a syntactic source and must therefore be listed as such in the lexicon. Although much is still unclear about the nature of these V*-units, Subsection V suggested that there may be a syntactic reason for the fact that V*-units like touwtje springen resist verb-second.
      Subsections VII and VIII dealt with two additional types of V+X collocations that resemble touwtje springen in that they resist verb-second: typical examples are vinger verven'to do finger painting' and hand lezen'to palm read'. It turned out, however, that it is far more difficult to establish their type as the tests in the A- and B-column of Table 5 do not provide unequivocal results: speakers seem to be quite uncertain about how to use these collocations.
      Subsection IX continued the discussion of immobile verbs with an investigation of complex particle verbs. Although such P+V collocations can normally be analyzed either as a phrasal V'-unit or as a V*-unit, the former analysis is excluded for double particle verbs or particle verbs preceded by the prefix her-. Their V*-status correctly predicts that they cannot undergo verb-second.
      Subsection X concluded with a brief discussion of immobile particle verbs of the type voorverkopen'to sell in advance' that have received relatively little attention in the literature so far. The discussion has shown that this type of immobile particle verbs exhibits the behavior typical of V*-units.

References:
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  • Vikner, Sten2005Immobile complex verbs in GermanicThe Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics883-115
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