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3.3.2.4.2. Conjunctive coordination ( en'and')
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If two noun phrases coordinated by the conjunction en'and' are followed by a restrictive relative clause, the latter may be taken to modify either the second conjunct only or both conjuncts together. This ambiguity seems to apply regardless of the definiteness or the number (singular or plural) of the conjuncts, although there are constructions and contexts that exclude one of the readings, and in some cases there also seem to be variations in judgments among native speakers. Subsections I and II, start by discussing constructions involving a coordinated antecedent with conjuncts that match in number, that is, cases with, respectively, coordinated plural and coordinated singular elements. After that, we discuss a number of more special cases: Subsection III discusses coordinated structures with a single determiner, and Subsection IV relative constructions with mixed antecedents, that is, cases in which the two conjuncts differ in number, gender, etc. Subsection V provides a number of general conclusions.

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[+]  I.  Coordinated plurals with two determiners

This subsection discusses cases in which the antecedent of the relative clause involves coordinated plural noun phrases. Restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses will be discussed in separate subsections.

[+]  A.  Restrictive relative clauses

Noun phrases coordinated by the conjunction en'and' that are followed by a restrictive relative clause may be ambiguous between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent reading. This is illustrated in example (379) for constructions in which the conjuncts are indefinite plural noun phrases. The primeless examples, in which both conjuncts are included in the phrase surrounded by square brackets, represent the coordinated antecedent reading, in which the relative clause restricts the combined referent set of the two conjuncts; example (379b), for instance, expresses that a subset of boys and girls (viz. those that are late) will be punished. The primed examples, in which the first conjunct is placed outside the brackets, represent the non-coordinated antecedent reading, in which the first conjunct has non-restricted reference: example (379b') means that all boys will be punished, but girls only when they are late.

Example 379
Coordinated indefinite plurals
a. Jan speelt straks [preludes en etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
  Jan  plays  later  preludes and etudes  which he recently composed has
  'Later Jan will be playing preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
a'. Jan speelt vanavond preludes en [etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
b. [Jongens en meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.
  boys and girls who  too late come  get  punishment
  'Boys and girls who are late will be punished.'
b'. Jongens en [meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.

Note that true ambiguity only arises in written text, since, in speaking, intonation has a disambiguating function: the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (379b'), for example, requires an intonation break before the conjunction en'and' and extra emphasis on the second noun, meisjes.
      Example (380) gives similar cases with definite plurals, both containing an article. Although examples such as (380) will normally receive a non-coordinated antecedent reading, the coordinated antecedent readings can be made available by using a specific intonation pattern (for instance, by extra emphasis on the information given in the relative clause).

Example 380
Coordinated definite plurals
a. ? Jan speelt [de preludes en de etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
  Jan plays   the preludes and the etudes  which he recently composed has
  'Jan will play the preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
a'. Jan speelt de preludes en [de etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
b. ? [De jongens en de meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.
  the boys and the girls  who too late come  get punishment
  'The boys and the girls who are late will be punished.'
b'. De jongens en [de meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.

The difference between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent readings of the primeless and primed examples in (380) can be accounted for by assuming that the former involves backward conjunction reduction; the structure contains two relative clauses that are identical in form, and of which the first is left unexpressed. This is illustrated in (381a) for example (380a). The non-coordinated antecedent reading is fairly straightforward, as it involves a structure in which only the second conjunct is modified by a restrictive relative clause; the first conjunct simply has the structure of a non-modified DP. This is illustrated in (381b) for example (380a').

Example 381
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP de [NP preludesi [RCdiei hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft ]]] en
[DP de [NP etudesj [RC diej hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft ]]]
b. Non-coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP de [NP preludes]] en
[DP de [NP etudesi [RC diei hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft ]]]

Assuming conjunction reduction is indispensable in order to account for the presence of the definite article in the second conjunct of (381a). Section 3.3.2.1 has argued that the article cannot be in the scope of a restrictive relative clause, which led to the conclusion that the relative clause is part of the NP-domain. With only a single relative clause present, however, the coordinated antecedent reading would imply that the antecedent would be at least the full string preludes en de etudes, so that the second definite article would fall in the scope of the relative clause. With the structure in (381a), on the other hand, the two articles can remain outside the scope of the relative clauses, as required.
      The markedness of the primeless examples in (380) is possibly due to the fact that these examples compete with the examples in (382a&b), in which the two conjuncts share the same article. The latter examples may be preferred on the coordinated antecedent reading due to the fact that they can be analyzed without postulating any elided material; cf. the representations in (382a'&b'). The examples in (382a&b) may also be favored because, as we will see in Subsection III, they normally do not allow the non-coordinated antecedent readings in (382a''&b''), and are therefore not ambiguous.

Example 382
a. Jan speelt [de preludes en etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
  Jan plays  the preludes and etudes  which he recently composed has
  'Jan will play preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
a'. de [[[NP preludes] en [NP etudes]]i die i hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft]
a''. * de [[[NP preludes] en [NP etudes]i die i hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft]]
b. De jongens en meisjes die te laat komen, krijgen straf.
  the boys and girls  who too late come  get punishment
  'The boys and the girls who are late will be punished.'
b'. de [[[NP jongens] en [NP meisjes]]i die i te laat komen]
b''. * de [[[NP jongens] en [NP meisjes]i die i te laat komen]]

      Maintain for the moment that, despite their marked status, the primeless examples in (380) are indeed genuinely ambiguous between the coordinated and the non-coordinated antecedent reading. The analysis in (381), according to which the two readings differ in the number of relative clauses involved, can then be supported by the fact that the extraposed relative clause in (383a) is only compatible with the coordinated antecedent reading. The fact that the non-coordinated antecedent reading is excluded is in accordance with the so-called Coordinate Structure Constraint, according to which extraction cannot take place from a single conjunct of a coordinate structure: the representation in (383b') is therefore ungrammatical. That the coordinated antecedent reading is possible is due to the fact that the relative clause is associated with both conjuncts: this so-called across-the-board configuration is generally allowed. Observe that (383a) is again marked compared to the construction in which only a single article is present: Jan zal de preludes en etudes spelen die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft.

Example 383
a. ? Jan zal de preludes en de etudes spelen die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft.
  Jan will  the preludes and the etudes play  which he recently composed has
  'Jan will play (the) preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
b. ....[[DP de [NP preludes ti]] en [DP de etudes ti]] spelen [RC die ...] i
b'. * ....[[DP de [NP preludes]] en [DP de etudes ti]] spelen [RC die ...] i
[+]  B.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

A non-restrictive relative clause following noun phrases coordinated by the conjunction en'and' may also be ambiguous between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent reading. This is true both for constructions such as (384), in which two indefinite plurals are coordinated, and for constructions such as (385), in which two definite plurals, both containing an article, are coordinated.

Example 384
Coordinated indefinite plurals
a. [Katten en honden, die hier erg geliefd zijn], zijn toegestaan.
  cats and dogs  which  here  very popular  are  are  prt.-allowed
  'Cats or dogs, which are very popular here, are allowed.'
a'. Katten en [honden, die hier erg geliefd zijn], zijn toegestaan.
b. [Hoeden en wandelstokken, die toen in de mode waren], zie je niet meer.
  hats and canes  which  then  fashionable  were  see you not more
  'Hats and canes, which used to be fashionable then, are not seen anymore.'
b'. Hoeden en [wandelstokken, die ooit in de mode waren], zie je niet meer.
Example 385
Coordinated definite plurals
a. [De katten en de honden, die veel overlast veroorzaakten], werden verwijderd.
  the cats and the dogs  which much trouble caused  were removed
  'The cats and the dogs, which caused a lot of inconvenience, were removed.'
a'. De katten en [de honden, die veel overlast veroorzaakten], werden verwijderd.
b. [De hoeden en de jassen, die oud en versleten waren], werden weggegooid.
  the hats and the coats  which old and worn were  were  thrown.away
  'The hats and the coats, which were old and worn-out, were thrown away.'
b'. De hoeden en [de jassen, die oud en versleten waren], werden weggegooid.

As indicated by the bracketing, the non-restrictive relative clauses can either modify the union of the two sets denoted by the coordinated nouns, as in the primeless examples, or the set denoted by the noun in the second conjunct, in which case the first conjunct is not modified; in (384a'), for instance, dogs are said to be very popular, while no claim is made about cats. Unlike with restrictive relative clauses, intonation does not really have a disambiguating function. It depends on the context which reading is favored: out of the blue, many examples may favor the coordinated antecedent reading, but in examples such as (386) the non-coordinated antecedent reading is clearly favored for extra-linguistic reasons.

Example 386
a. Mannen en vrouwen, die vaak worden achtergesteld, krijgen hier evenveel kans.
  men  and women,  who  often  are  prt.-discriminated  get here  equal  opportunity
  'Men and women, who are often discriminated against, get the same opportunities here.'
b. De mannen en de vrouwen, die minstens zo geschikt zijn voor dit werk, krijgen hier evenveel kans.
  the men  and  the women,  who  at.least  as suited  are  for this work get  here  equal  opportunity
  'The men and the women, who are at least as suitable for this work, get the same opportunities here.'

      With non-restrictive clauses, there is no need to appeal to conjunction reduction in order to account for the coordinated antecedent readings: the antecedent consists of two coordinated phrases that are slightly smaller than a full DP. This is illustrated for example (385b) in (387a). In (387b), the relative clause has only the second conjunct in its scope, and we are dealing with coordination of an unmodified DP and a DP modified by a non-restrictive relative clause.

Example 387
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP[[de hoeden] en [de jassen]]i, [RC die i oud en versleten waren]]...
        the hats and the coats which old and worn.out were
b. Non-coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP de hoeden] en [DP [de jassen]i, [RC die i oud en versleten waren]] ...

The structures in (387) correctly predict that extraposed non-restrictive relative clauses are compatible with the coordinated antecedent reading only. On the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (387b) the relative clause belongs to the second conjunct; extraposition therefore gives rise to the structure in (388b), which violates the Coordinate Structure Constraint. On the coordinated antecedent reading in (387a), however, the relative clause takes the full coordinated structure as its antecedent; extraposition consequently results in the structure in (388a), which is allowed by the Coordinate Structure Constraint.

Example 388
a. We hebben [DP [[de hoeden] en [de jassen]]itj] weggegooid, [RC diei oud en versleten waren]j.
  we  have     the hats  and  the coats  away-thrown which  old  and  worn.out  were
b. * We hebben [[DP de hoeden] en [DP [de jassen]itj]] weggegooid, [RC diei oud en versleten waren] j.
[+]  II.  Coordinated singulars with two determiners

There are two reasons why ambiguity is less likely to arise in the case of coordinated singulars than in the case of coordinated plurals. First, ambiguity will only be possible if the conjuncts have the same gender, given that differences in gender are reflected in the choice of the relative pronoun: whereas die is used for singular non-neuter (as well as plural) antecedents, dat is used for singular neuter antecedents; cf. Section 3.3.2.2, sub I. Second, potential ambiguity may be resolved by the number marking on the finite verb of the relative clause if the relative pronoun functions as a subject: the coordinated antecedent reading always triggers plural agreement on the verb. The discussion in this subsection will be confined to cases that potentially exhibit ambiguity, that is, to cases involving coordinated antecedents with conjuncts of the same gender; discussion of cases in which the conjuncts differ in gender is postponed to Subsection IV.

[+]  A.  Restrictive relative clauses

The examples in (389) show that restrictive relative clauses can restrict coordinated antecedents with multiple indefinite articles. If the relative pronoun functions as the subject of the relative clause, however, ambiguity does not arise: in the primeless examples the plural form of the finite verb of the relative clause ( kwamen'came' and kosten'cost') excludes a reading in which the relative clause would modify the second conjunct only. Similarly, the singular form of the finite verb in the primed examples ( kwam'came' and kost'costs') forces a reading in which it is only the second conjunct of the coordination that functions as the antecedent.

Example 389
Coordinated indefinite singulars (same gender)
a. [Een man en een jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who  too late  camepl.  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who were late werenʼt admitted.'
a'. Een man en [een jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man  and    a boy  who  too late  camesg.  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who was late were no longer admitted.'
b. Jan wil [een boek en een CD die twintig euro kosten].
  Jan wants    a book and a CD  which  twenty euros  cost
  'Jan wants a book and a CD which cost twenty euros.'
b'. Jan wil een boek en [een CD die twintig euro kost].
  Jan wants  a book  and    a CD  which  twenty euros  costs
  'Jan wants a book, and a CD which costs twenty euros.'

In cases such as (390) with definite coordinated antecedents, many speakers prefer the non-coordinated antecedent reading; the coordinated antecedent reading is only fully acceptable in case of coordinated indefinite singulars. A possible account of this contrast between the primeless examples in (389) and (390) will be given later in this subsection. Recall that the primeless and primed examples differ not only in the number on the finite verb of the relative clause, but also in their intonation pattern; the primed examples are pronounced with an intonation break before the conjunction and accent on the noun of second conjunct.

Example 390
Coordinated definite singulars (same gender)
a. % [De man en de jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy who were late were no longer admitted.'
a'. De man en [de jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man  and    the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy who was late were no longer admitted.'
b. % Jan wil [het boek en de CD die twintig euro kosten].
  Jan wants    the book and the CD  which  twenty euros  cost
  'Jan wants the book and the CD which together/each cost twenty euros.'
b'. Jan wil het boek en [de CD die twintig euro kost].
  Jan wants  the book  and    the CD  which twenty euros  costs
  'Jan wants the book, and the CD which costs twenty euros.'

      If the relative pronoun functions as a complement, the form of the finite verb of the relative clause does not help to disambiguate the examples, so that true ambiguity may arise in written language (but not in speech). This is illustrated for indefinite antecedents in the (a)-examples of (391) for direct object relative pronouns and in the (b)-examples for indirect and prepositional object relative pronouns.

Example 391
Coordinated indefinite singulars (same gender)
a. [Een man en een jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who  we  not  knew  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who we didnʼt know werenʼt admitted.'
a'. Een man en [een jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [Een man en een jongen die/aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who/to whom  we  our tickets  had  given  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who/to whom weʼd given our tickets werenʼt admitted.'
b'. Een man en [een jongen die/aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.

The examples in (392) show the same thing for definite antecedents. The percentage signs in the primeless examples indicate again that many speakers prefer the non-coordinated reading in these cases; the coordinated antecedent reading is only fully acceptable in cases of coordinated indefinite singulars.

Example 392
Coordinated definite singulars (same gender)
a. % [De man en de jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  we  not knew  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy who we didnʼt know werenʼt admitted.'
a'. De man en [de jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
b. % [De man en de jongen aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  to whom  we  our tickets  had  given  were  not  prt.-admitted
b'. De man en [de jongen aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.

      The non-coordinated antecedent reading of the primed examples above are all unproblematic and may be assumed to involve the structure given in (393b), with the relative clause restricting the second conjunct only. The coordinated antecedent reading of the primeless examples in (391) and (392) can in principle be accounted for by assuming structure (393a), which involves backward conjunction reduction.

Example 393
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP D [NP [... N ...]i [RCRELi ...]]] and [DP D [NP [... N ...]j [RC RELj ...]]]
b. Non-coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP D [NP [... N ...]]] and [DP D [NP [... N ...]j [RC RELj ...]]]

Assuming structure (393a) to account for the coordinated antecedent reading of the primeless examples in (389) and (390) is, however, problematic. First observe that the conjunction-reduction analysis in (393a) is excluded for the primeless examples in (389) and (390); the presence of the plural finite verb in the relative clause requires a plural antecedent, so that the relative clause cannot be interpreted as restricting the coordinated singular conjuncts separately. The representations in (394) must therefore be dismissed as ungrammatical due to the number mismatch between the relative subject pronoun and the finite verb of the relative clause.

Example 394
a. * [Een/de man [RCdie te laat kwamen]] en [een/de jongen [RC die te laat kwamen]], werden niet meer toegelaten.
b. * Jan wil [het boek [RCdie twintig euro kosten]] en [de CD [RC die twintig euro kosten]].

The agreement facts thus show that the relative pronoun die is plural in the primeless examples in (389) and (390). This is furthermore supported by the fact illustrated in (395) that we can add elements like allebei'both', samen'together' or elk'each' to the relative clauses, which all require the presence of a plural subject.

Example 395
a. [Een man en een jongen die beiden te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who both  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who were both late werenʼt admitted.'
b. Jan wil [een boek en een CD die samen/elk twintig euro kosten].
  Jan wants   a book and a CD  which  together/each  twenty euros cost
  'Jan wants a book and a CD which cost twenty euros together/each.'

In short, the facts in (394) and (395) constitute a serious problem for the proposal that multiple determiners can only occur in restrictive relative constructions derived by means of backward conjunction reduction. This casts considerable doubt on the feasibility of the analysis in (393a), and one might want to completely reject this analysis by pointing out that it is in fact not available, given that the sentences with definite antecedents are consistently considered degraded (or at least marked) by many speakers. Rejecting the analysis in (393a) would still leave us with the fact that the sentences with indefinite antecedents are impeccable, but this could be solved by appealing to a difference in status between the definite and indefinite determiners: it has often been assumed that indefinite articles are actually not determiners but belong to the class of numerals (note in this connection that the indefinite examples in (389a&b) are also acceptable if the indefinite articles are replaced by the cardinal numeral één'one'). If so, one might try to develop an account according to which a restrictive relative clause may take a NumP, but not a DP, in its scope; cf. Section 1.1.2, sub IIA, example (6).
      Leaving these issues to future research, we want to conclude this subsection by pointing out that, just like in the case of coordinated plurals, extraposition of the relative clause is possible on the coordinated antecedent reading only. Consider the examples in (396). The unacceptability of the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (396b) is due to the fact that the relative clause is part of the second conjunct so that extraposition would violate the Coordinate Structure Constraint. The acceptability of the coordinated antecedent reading in (396a) follows both under a conjunction-reduction analysis and under the alternative analysis suggested above that the relative clause takes some higher projection in the noun phrase (NumP) as its antecedent: in the former case we would be dealing with licit across-the-board movement, and in the latter case extraposition could proceed without violating the Coordinate Structure Constraint.

Example 396
a. Ik heb [[een regisseur] en [een acteur]]i gekend [RC diei een Oscar hebben gekregen].
  I have a director and an actor  known  who an Oscar have won
b. * Ik heb [[een regisseur] en [een acteur]i] gekend [RC diei een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  I have a director and an actor  known  who an Oscar has won

The unacceptability of (397b) again follows from the Coordinate Structure Constraint: the relative clause is part of the second conjunct and therefore extraposition is blocked. Example (397a) poses the same problem as the primeless examples in (390) and (392), and for this reason we will not discuss this example any further.

Example 397
a. % Ik heb [[de regisseur en de acteur]]i gezien [RC diei een Oscar hebben gekregen].
  I have the director and the actor  seen  who an Oscar have won
b. * Ik heb [[de regisseur] en [de acteur]i] gezien [RC diei een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  I have the director and the actor  seen  who an Oscar has won
[+]  B.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

Using non-restrictive clauses to modify coordinated antecedents is fully acceptable. As in the case of restrictive relative clauses, ambiguity does not arise when the relative pronoun functions as the subject of the relative clause given that the number marking on the finite verb unambiguously shows which reading is intended: in the (a)-examples of (398) and (399) the plural form kwamen'came' excludes a reading in which the relative clause would modify the second conjunct only, and the singular form kwam'came' in the (b)-examples only allows a reading in which it is only the second conjunct that functions as the antecedent.

Example 398
Coordinated indefinite singulars (subject)
a. [Een man en een jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy, who were late, werenʼt admitted.'
b. Een man en [een jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man  and   a boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy, who was late, werenʼt admitted.'
Example 399
Coordinated definite singulars (subject)
a. [De man en de jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy, who were late. werenʼt admitted.'
b. De man en [de jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man  and   the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy, who was late, werenʼt admitted.'

If the relative pronoun functions as the object of the relative clause, it does not affect the form of the finite verb, and true ambiguity may arise. This is illustrated for definite noun phrases: the (a)-examples in (400) involve direct object relative pronouns and the (b)-examples involve indirect object relative pronouns introduced by the preposition aan. The status of the examples does not change if we replace the indefinite articles by indefinite ones.

Example 400
Coordinated singulars (object pronoun)
a. [De man en de jongen, die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  we  not  knew  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy, who we didnʼt know, werenʼt admitted.'
a'. De man en [de jongen, die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [De man en de jongen, aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden ...
  the man and the boy  to whom  we our tickets  had  given  were
  'The man and the boy, to whom weʼd given our tickets, werenʼt admitted.'
b'. De man en [de jongen, aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden ...

      The coordinated antecedent reading can be represented with the relative clause modifying the full coordinated DP, while the non-coordinated antecedent reading can be represented with the relative clause modifying only the second DP. This is illustrated in (401) for the examples in (399); cf. the discussion of (387).

Example 401
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP [[de man] en [de jongen]]i, [RC die i te laat kwamen]] ...
b. Non-coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP de man] en [DP [de jongen]i, [RC diei te laat kwam]] ...
[+]  III.  Coordinated antecedents with a single article

This subsection discusses cases in which one article serves to modify the two conjuncts together. We will again discuss modification by restrictive and the non-restrictive relative clauses in separate subsections.

[+]  A.  Restrictive relative clauses

Restrictive relative clauses may also modify coordinated noun phrases that are construed with a single article. We have already seen that in a subset of these cases, the construction with a single article is preferred to corresponding constructions with two articles.

[+]  1.  Plural conjuncts

Examples (402a&a') show that if a coordinated noun phrase containing only one article is relativized, the coordinated antecedent reading is normally strongly preferred to the non-coordinated one. The non-coordinated antecedent reading is only possible (and then still somewhat marked) if the second conjunct is given a generic interpretation, as in (402b'), which requires that the second conjunct be given extra emphasis.

Example 402
Coordinated plurals with one definite article
a. De [mannen en jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the  men and boys  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The men and boys who were late werenʼt admitted.'
a'. * De mannen en [jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
b. De [mannen en jongens die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.
  the  men and boys  who  too late  come  are  not  prt.-admitted
  'The men and boys who are late wonʼt be admitted.'
b'. ? De mannen en [jongens die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.

Note that the coordinated antecedent reading in the primeless examples can be derived without appealing to backward conjunction reduction given that the coordination does not take place at the level of the DP, but at some lower level in the NP-domain. This is illustrated for example (402a) in (403).

Example 403
Coordinated antecedent reading with one article:
[DP de [NP [mannen en jongens]i [RC diei te laat kwamen]]] ...

Where only the second conjunct is preceded by an article, as in (404), a coordinated antecedent reading is excluded: only the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (404b) is available, meaning that all men, and the boys who are late, will be denied admission.

Example 404
a. * [Mannen en de jongens die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.
  men and the boys  who  too late  come  are  not  prt.-admitted
b. Mannen en [de jongens die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.

      Since the article is not overtly expressed in indefinite plurals, there is no point in trying to distinguish between a one- and a two-article reading. However, if numerals are used instead of the zero-article, the distinction does become relevant. The coordinated antecedent reading in (405a), according to which the noun phrase refers to a set of four persons, consisting of both men and boys, is clearly preferred to the non-coordinated antecedent reading, in (405b), according to which there is a set of four men and a non-qualified set of boys, which is restricted by the relative clause.

Example 405
Coordinated indefinite plurals with one numeral
a. [Vier mannen en jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  four men and boys  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'Four men and boys who were late werenʼt admitted.'
b. * Vier mannen en [jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.

With example (406b) we aim at triggering a generic reading of the noun phrase jongens. The fact that this example is degraded is probably due to the fact that this is only possible if the first conjunct is also interpreted generically, which is blocked by the presence of the numeral vier'four'; if this numeral is dropped the example becomes fully acceptable with the intonation pattern that is typical for the non-coordinated antecedent reading. Note in passing that, in contrast to (405a), the non-generic example in (406a) seems to require a partitive reading, which may be due to the fact that the sentence has a future interpretation, so that at the moment of speech it is still unknown how many men and boys will actually be late.

Example 406
a. [Vier mannen en jongens die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.
  four men and boys  who  too late  come  are  not  prt.-admitted
  'Four men and boys who are late wonʼt be admitted.'
b. ?? Vier mannen en [jongens die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.

Like with the definite article, a coordinated antecedent reading is not possible if only the second conjunct is preceded by a numeral, as in (407); only the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (407b) is available, meaning that all man, and four boys who were late, were denied admission.

Example 407
a. * [Mannen en vier jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  men and four boys  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
b. Mannen en [vier jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
[+]  2.  Singular conjuncts

Leaving out the second article gives rise to a degraded result both with indefinite and definite singular antecedents. This is not related to the presence of the relative clause, since we see the same thing in examples like *?Een/de man en jongen werden niet toegelaten and *?Jan las een boek en artikel. Insofar as the examples in (408) are acceptable, they seem to be interpreted with a coordinated antecedent reading: the non-coordinated antecedent reading is completely excluded. Observe that gender of the nouns does not play a role since the gender of the conjuncts is the same: non-neuter in (408a) and neuter in (408b). Nor is the syntactic function of the modified noun phrase relevant: it functions as a subject in (408a) and as an object in (408b). The reason for the degraded status of the primeless examples must therefore be that a single determiner cannot be used to modify two singular nouns.

Example 408
Coordinated singulars with one (in)definite article
a. *? [Een/De man en jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a/the man and boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
a'. * Een/De man en [jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
b. *? Jan las [een/het boek en artikel die over taalkunde gingen].
  Jan read   a/the book and article  which  about linguistic  went
  'Jan read a/the book and an/the article which were about linguistics.'
b'. * Jan las een/het boek en [artikel die over taalkunde gingen].
[+]  3.  A special case: the singular reference reading

Now that we have considered the normal case where coordination results in a plural noun phrase, a special case must be discussed involving coordinated singular elements, in which the conjuncts need not refer to two different entities. In example (409a), for instance, the coordinated structure must be interpreted as referring to a single (nonspecific) person. With the second determiner present, as in example (409'), on the other hand, the only available interpretation is that in which only the second conjunct is modified by the relative clause.

Example 409
Singular reference reading of coordinated nonspecific +human antecedents
a. [een manager en IT-deskundige die bekend is met de laatste ontwikkelingen]
  a manager and IT-expert  who familiar is with the latest developments
  '[We want] a manager and IT-expert who is familiar with the latest developments.'
b. een manager en [een IT-deskundige die bekend is met de laatste ontwikkelingen]
  a manager  and an IT-expert  who familiar is with the latest developments
  '[We want] a manager and an IT-expert who is familiar with the latest developments.'

Example (410) shows that the same contrast appears in the case of a coordinated antecedent with specific reference, although the singular reference reading in (410a) may be slightly marked. Example (411) shows that the singular reference reading is also less readily available with -human referents.

Example 410
Singular reference reading of coordinated specific +human antecedents
a. ? Ik ken [een regisseur en acteur die een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  know    a director and actor  who  an Oscar  has  won
  'I know a director and actor who has won an Oscar.'
b. Ik ken een regisseur en [een acteur die een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  know  a director  and   an actor  who  an Oscar  has  won
  'I know a director and an actor who has won an Oscar.'
Example 411
Singular reference reading of coordinated -human antecedents
a. ?? Ik zoek [een werkplaats en woning die groot genoeg is].
  search   a workshop and apartment  which  big enough  is
b. Ik zoek een werkplaats en [een woning die groot genoeg is].
  search  a workshop  and   an apartment  which  big enough  is
  'Iʼm looking for a workshop and an apartment which is big enough.'

      The examples in (412) show that the singular reference reading of coordinated antecedents is also available in the case of a definite determiner. Observe that in accordance with the fact that the coordinated antecedent has only one referent, the finite verb of the main clause in (412a) appears in the singular form moet'has to'. In (412b), where the subject consists of two separate DPs, the finite verb of the main clause appears in the plural form moeten'have to'. As usual, the (b)-example is ambiguous for some people between a coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent reading.

Example 412
a. [De manager en IT-deskundige die we zoeken], moet ervaring hebben.
  the manager and IT-expert  who we search  must  experience  have
  'The manager and IT-expert we are looking for must be experienced.'
b. De manager en de IT-deskundige die we zoeken, moeten ervaring hebben.
  the manager and the IT-expert who we search  must  experience have
  'The manager and the IT-expert we are looking for must be experienced.'

When the modified noun phrase functions as the object of the clause, we find the same contrast, although now the number marking on the verb does not help in distinguishing the two readings. The example in (413) is ambiguous between the singular reference reading, with the structure in (413a), and the non-coordinated antecedent reading, with the structure in (413b). Note that the coordinated antecedent reading is excluded by the fact that the relative pronoun triggers singular agreement on the finite verb of the relative clause.

Example 413
a. Ik ken [de regisseur en acteur die beroemd is geworden als Hamlet].
  I know   the director and actor  who  famous  is become  as Hamlet
  'I know the director and actor who has become famous as Hamlet.'
b. Ik ken de regisseur en [de acteur die beroemd is geworden als Hamlet].
  I know  the director  and the actor  who  famous  is become  as Hamlet
  'I know the director and the actor who has become famous as Hamlet.'

      The structure of the examples with the singular reference reading is as given in (414), where the relative pronoun takes some lower coordinated nominal projection as its antecedent.

Example 414
Singular reference reading:
[DP D [NP [... Nsg ... and ... Nsg ...]i [RC RELi ...]]] ...

This structure immediately accounts for the fact that extraposition of the relative clause is possible; since the two coordinated elements act as the antecedent of the relative clause, extraposition does not violate the Coordinate Structure Constraint. In this respect, relative constructions with a singular reference reading behave just like constructions with a non-restrictive relative clause; cf. Subsection IB.

Example 415
a. Ik heb [een regisseur en acteur]i gekend [RC diei een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  I have   a director and actor  known  who  an Oscar  has    won
  'I have known a director and actor who has won various Oscars.'
b. Ik heb [de regisseur en acteur]i gezien [RC diei een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  I have  the director and actor  seen  who  an Oscar  has    won
  'Iʼve seen the director and actor who has won an Oscar.'
[+]  B.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

Non-restrictive relative clauses can also modify a coordinated antecedent with a single article, and often behave in ways similar to their restrictive counterparts, although the discussion in the following subsections will show that there are a number of differences.

[+]  1.  Plural conjuncts

If the coordination involves plural elements, the coordinated antecedent reading is the most readily available one; the non-coordinated antecedent reading is at best marginally possible on a (very unlikely) generic interpretation. Due to the past tense such a generic interpretation is not available in (416a'), and for that reason, the non-coordinated antecedent reading is completely excluded. The present tense in the two (b)-examples favors a generic reading, but nevertheless the non-coordinated antecedent reading is very hard to obtain.

Example 416
Coordinated plurals with one definite article
a. [De katten en honden, die overlast veroorzaakten], werden niet toegelaten.
  the cats and dogs  which inconvenience caused  were not prt.-admitted
  'The cats and dogs, which caused a lot of inconvenience, werenʼt admitted.'
a'. * De katten en [honden, die overlast veroorzaakten], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [De katten en honden, die overlast veroorzaken], worden niet toegelaten.
  the cats and dogs  which inconvenience cause  are not prt.-admitted
  'The cats and dogs, which cause a lot of inconvenience, arenʼt admitted.'
b'. *? De katten en [honden, die overlast veroorzaken], worden niet toegelaten.

The coordinated antecedent reading in the primeless examples can again be derived without appealing to backward conjunction reduction. The only difference between these examples the structure in (403) is that herecoordination takes place not at the NP-level, but at some higher level within the DP. This is illustrated for the primeless examples in (416) in (417).

Example 417
Coordinated antecedent reading with one article:
[DP de [NP katten en honden]i [RC diei veel overlast veroorzaakten]]] ...

      Where only the second conjunct is preceded by an article, a coordinated antecedent reading is not possible. The non-coordinated antecedent reading is, again, quite degraded.

Example 418
a. * [Katten en de honden, die overlast veroorzaken], worden niet toegelaten.
  cats and the dogs  which inconvenience cause  are not prt.-admitted
  'The cats and dogs, which cause a lot of inconvenience, arenʼt admitted.'
b. *? Katten en [de honden, die overlast veroorzaken], worden niet toegelaten.

      Since in plural indefinite noun phrases the article is not overtly expressed, there is no point in trying to distinguish between a one-article and a two-article reading. However, if numerals are used instead of the zero-article, the distinction does become relevant. This is illustrated in (419). Only the coordinated antecedent reading in (419a) is available, according to which the antecedent refers to a set of four persons, consisting of both men and boys; it is this entire set that is subsequently restricted by the restrictive relative clause. On the unavailable non-coordinated antecedent reading in (419b), it would be claimed that there is a set of four men and a non-qualified set of boys, where only the latter set is modified by the relative clause.

Example 419
Coordinated indefinite plurals with one numeral
a. [Vier mannen en jongens, die (allen) te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  four men and boys  who all  too late came  were not prt.-admitted
  'Four men and boys, who were (all) late, werenʼt admitted.'
b. * Vier mannen en [jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.

      The generic example in (420b) is degraded, just like the corresponding case with a restrictive relative clause, which can probably be attributed to the fact that the first conjunct vier mannen must also be interpreted generically, which is incompatible with the presence of the numeral. In contrast to the corresponding example in (405b) with a restrictive relative clause, (420a) does not seem to allow a partitive interpretation, which may be due to the fact that at the moment of speech time it is still not known how many men and boys will be late so that the reader is actually not able to provide additional information about the referent set.

Example 420
a. * [Vier mannen en jongens, die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.
  four men and boys  who too late come  are  not  prt.-admitted
  'Four men and boys, who are late, wonʼt be admitted.'
b. ?? Vier mannen en [jongens, die te laat komen], worden niet toegelaten.

If only the second conjunct is preceded by a numeral, as in (421), neither the coordinated nor the non-coordinated antecedent reading is available.

Example 421
a. * [Mannen en vier jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  men and four boys  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
b. * Mannen en [vier jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
[+]  2.  Singular conjuncts

Where the conjuncts are singular, non-restrictive relative clauses do not differ from restrictive ones. Leaving out the second article gives rise to a severely degraded result, both with indefinite and with definite singular antecedents. This is not due to the presence of the relative clause, since we observe the same thing in examples such as *?Een/de hond en kat werden niet toegelaten. To the extent that example (422a) is acceptable, it must be interpreted with a coordinated antecedent reading, which is signaled by the plural finite verb in the relative clause: the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (422b), which is signaled by a singular finite verb in the relative clause, is completely excluded.

Example 422
Coordinated singulars with one indefinite or definite article
a. *? [Een/de kat en hond, die veel overlast veroorzaken], worden niet toegelaten.
  a/the cat and dog  which much inconvenience cause  are not prt.-admitted
  'A/the cat and dog, which cause a lot of inconvenience, arenʼt admitted.'
b. * Een/de kat en [hond, die veel overlast veroorzaakt], worden niet toegelaten.
[+]  3.  A special case: the singular reference reading

As in the case of restrictive relative clauses, the two elements of the antecedent need not refer to two different entities if the second conjunct is not preceded by an article. The coordinated antecedent in (423a), for instance, can only be interpreted as denoting a single (nonspecific) person. With the second determiner present, as in (423b), on the other hand, the only available interpretation is that in which only the second conjunct is modified by the relative clause.

Example 423
Singular reference reading of coordinated nonspecific +human antecedents
a. We zoeken [een schrijver en redacteur, die verstand heeft van opmaak].
  we  search   a writer and editor  who  knowledge  has   of layout
  'We are looking for a writer and editor, who must know about layout.'
b. We zoeken een schrijver en [een redacteur, die verstand heeft van opmaak].
  we search  a writer  and   an editor  who knowledge has of layout
  'We are looking for a writer and an editor, who must know about layout.'

The examples in (424) show that the same contrast seems to appear in the case of a coordinated antecedent with specific reference, although the singular reference reading in (424a) is slightly marked. Example (425a) serves to show that singular reference readings are less readily available with -human referents.

Example 424
Singular reference reading of coordinated specific +human antecedents
a. ? Ik ken [een regisseur en acteur, die bovendien scenarioʼs schrijft].
  know   a director and actor  who  moreover  scenarios  writes
  'I know a director and actor, who writes scenarios as well.'
b. Ik ken een regisseur en [een acteur, die bovendien scenarioʼs schrijft].
  know  a director  and   an actor  who  moreover  scenarios  writes
  'I know a director and an actor, who writes scenarios as well.'
Example 425
Singular reference reading of coordinated -human antecedents
a. ?? Ik zoek [een werkplaats en woning, die groot genoeg is].
  search   a workshop and apartment  which  big enough  is
b. Ik zoek een werkplaats en [een woning, die groot genoeg is].
  search  a workshop  and  an apartment  which  big enough  is
  'Iʼm looking for a workshop and an apartment, which is big enough.'

      The examples in (426) show that the singular reference reading of coordinated antecedents is also available in the case of a definite determiner. In accordance with the fact that the coordinated antecedent has only one referent, the finite verb of the main clause (426a) appears in the singular form won'won'. In (426b), where the subject consists of two separate DPs, the finite verb of the main clause appears in the plural form wonnen'won'.

Example 426
a. [De regisseur en producent, die deze film maakte], won drie Oscars.
  the director and producer  who  this film  made  wonsg.  three Oscars
  'The director and producer, who made this film, won three Oscars.'
b. De regisseur en [de producent, die deze film maakte], wonnen drie Oscars.
  the director and    the producer  who  this film  made  wonpl. three Oscars
  'The director and the producer, who made this film, won three Oscars.'

We find the same contrast if the noun phrase functions as the object of the clause, although the number marking on the finite verb in the main clause does not help in distinguishing the two cases: (427a) has the singular reference reading, and (427b) has the non-coordinated antecedent reading. Note that the coordinated antecedent reading is excluded in (427b) by the fact that the relative pronoun triggers singular agreement on the finite verb of the relative clause.

Example 427
a. De politie arresteerde [de dief en oplichter, die zich hevig verzette].
  the police arrested  the thief and swindler  who  refl.  fiercely  resisted
  'The police arrested the thief and swindler, who resisted fiercely.'
b. De politie arresteerde de dief en [de oplichter, die zich hevig verzette].
  the police arrested  the thief  and  the swindler  who  refl.  fiercely resisted
  'The police arrested the thief, and the swindler, who resisted fiercely.'

      The structure of the examples with the singular reference reading is as given in (428), which differs from the one in (414) involving restrictive relative clauses in that the relative pronoun is external to NP and takes some higher coordinated nominal projection as its antecedent.

Example 428
Singular reference reading:
[DP D [NP ... Nsg ... and ... Nsg ...]i , [RC RELi ...]] ...

This structure accounts for the fact that extraposition of the non-restrictive relative clause is possible; since the two coordinated elements act as the antecedent of the relative clause, extraposition does not violate the Coordinate Structure Constraint.

Example 429
a. ? Ik heb [een regisseur en acteur]i ontmoet, diei een Oscar heeft gekregen.
  have  a director and actor  met  who  an Oscar  has won
  'I met a director and actor yesterday, who has won various Oscars.'
b. Ze hebben [de dief en oplichter]i gearresteerd, diei zich hevig verzette.
  they have  the thief and swindler  arrested  who  refl  fiercely  resisted
  'They managed to arrest the thief and swindler, who resisted fiercely.'
[+]  IV.  Mixed antecedents

This subsection is concerned with coordinated antecedents the conjuncts of which differ with regard to gender, number, definiteness or quantificational properties. These constructions are often not ambiguous, since the form of the relative pronoun or the finite verb of the relative clause may dissolve potential ambiguities.

[+]  A.  Gender
[+]  1.  Restrictive relative clauses

If the two conjuncts of a coordinated antecedent are singular, ambiguity between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent reading will not arise if the relative pronoun functions as the subject of the relative clause, since the number marking on the finite verb of the relative clause will then have a disambiguating function; cf. Subsection II. If the two conjuncts differ in gender, the difference between the two readings becomes even clearer, since in that case differences in gender are directly reflected in the choice of the relative pronoun: whereas dat is used for neuter singular antecedents, die is in all other cases. Thus in example (430a), both the form die of the relative pronoun and the plural finite verb of the relative clause exclude a reading in which the relative clause would modify the neuter singular noun meisje only, since this noun would require the pronoun dat and trigger singular agreement on the finite verb in the relative clause, as in example (430a'). The same thing is true of the examples in (430b&b'), where the potential ambiguity is also resolved on the basis of the form of the relative pronoun and the finite verb in the relative clause.

Example 430
Coordinated indefinite singulars with different gender
a. [Een jongen en een meisje die te laat kwamen], kregen straf.
  a boy and a girl  who  too late  came  got  punishment
  'A boy and a girl who were both late were punished.'
a'. Een jongen en [een meisje dat te laat kwam], kregen straf.
  a boy  and   a girl  who  too late  came  got  punishment
  'A boy and a girl who was late were punished.'
b. Ik heb gesproken met [een jongen en een meisje die naast me wonen].
  I have spoken  with a boy and a girl  who  next.to me  live
  'Iʼve spoken with a boy and a girl who live next to me.'
b'. Ik heb gesproken met een jongen en [een meisje dat naast me woont].
  I have spoken  with a boy  and a girl  who  next.to me  lives
  'Iʼve spoken with a boy and a girl who lives next to me.'

If we replace the indefinite article by a definite one, the result of coordinated antecedent reading in the primeless examples is degraded for many speakers.

Example 431
Coordinated definite singulars with different gender
a. % [De jongen en het meisje die te laat kwamen], kregen straf.
  the boy and the girl  who  too late  came  got  punishment
  'The boy and the girl who were both late were punished.'
a'. De jongen en [het meisje dat te laat kwam], kregen straf.
  the boy  and    the girl  who  too late  came  got  punishment
  'The boy and the girl who was late were punished.'
b. % Ik heb gesproken met [de jongen en het meisje die naast me wonen].
  I have spoken  with the boy and the girl  who  next.to me  live
  'Iʼve spoken with the boy and the girl who live next to me.'
b'. Ik heb gesproken met de jongen en [het meisje dat naast me woont].
  I have spoken  with the boy  and   the girl  who  next.to me  lives
  'Iʼve spoken with the boy and the girl who lives next to me.'

Note that the primeless examples in (431) create problems for the backward conjunction-reduction analysis similar to those we have encountered in Subsection II. According to this analysis these examples have the structure in (432), but there are at least two reasons for assuming that these structures are ungrammatical. First, the presence of a plural finite verb in the relative clause requires a plural subject, and since it is the relative pronoun that performs this syntactic function, this pronoun cannot take a singular antecedent. Second, the form die of the relative pronoun excludes a structure in which the relative clause restricts the two coordinated elements separately since it cannot take the neuter singular noun meisje as its antecedent. We will not pursue the question of how constructions of this type can be adequately represented, but refer to Subsection II for relevant discussion.

Example 432
a. * [De jongen [die te laat kwamen]] en [het meisje [die te laat kwamen]], kregen straf.
b. * Ik heb gesproken met [de jongen [RCdie naast me wonen]] en [het meisje [RC die naast me wonen]].

      The discussion above does not, of course, imply that backward conjunction reduction is entirely excluded if the two conjuncts differ in gender. Conjunction reduction is, however, restricted such that the omitted part is completely identical to the second part, as in the primeless examples in (433). Although these examples are rather complex from a perceptual point of view and are more likely to be found in written text than in speech, they seem well-formed. The most plausible analysis for these examples is as given in the primed examples, where part of the first relative clause is omitted as the result of backward conjunction reduction.

Example 433
a. Een/De jongen die en een/het meisje dat te laat kwam, kregen straf.
  a/the boy  who  and  a/the girl  who too late came,  got punishment
a'. [Een/de jongen [die te laat kwam]] en [een/het meisje [dat te laat kwam]], kregen straf.
b. Ik sprak met een/de jongen die en met een/het meisje dat naast me woont.
  I spoke  with a/the boy who  and  with a/the girl that  next.to me lives
b'. Ik sprak met [een/de jongen [RC die naast me woont]] en [een/het meisje [RC dat naast me woont]].

      Subsection III has shown that in those cases in which the second conjunct is not preceded by an article, a coordinated antecedent may have a single reference reading. The examples in (434) show, however, that this requires that the two conjuncts have the same gender: the diminutive neuter noun vriendje'friend' and the non-neuter noun kameraad'pal' cannot share the same relative clause, as they require different relative pronouns, although it should be noted that those constructions in which the relative pronoun matches the gender of the second conjunct seem slightly better than those in which it matches the gender of the first one.

Example 434
a. Ik zoek een [vriendje en kameraad]i ??diei/*dati dezelfde hobby heeft als ik.
  I search   friend and pal    who  the.same hobby  has  as I
  'Iʼm looking for a friend and pal who has the same hobby I have.'
b. Ik zoek een [kameraad en vriendje]i??dati/diei dezelfde hobby heeft als ik.

Of course, the examples in (434) become fully grammatical with the relative pronoun die, if we replace the diminutive form vriendje by the non-neuter form vriend: cf. Ik zoek een vriend en kameraad die dezelfde hobby heeft als ik and Ik zoek een kameraad en vriend die dezelfde hobby heeft als ik.

[+]  2.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

Non-restrictive relative clauses also allow the two elements of a coordinated antecedent to differ in gender. If the two elements are singular and the second conjunct is headed by a neuter noun, as in (435), the difference between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent reading can be detected on the basis of the choice of the relative pronoun: die is used for -neuter and dat is used for +neuter singular antecedents. In the primeless examples in (435), the form die of the relative pronoun (as well as the plural form of the finite verb of the relative clause) exclude a reading in which the relative clause would modify the second conjunct only. In the primed examples, the presence of the singular +neuter pronoun dat (as well as the singular form of the finite verb of the relative clause) forces the non-coordinated reading, in which the relative clause takes the neuter noun meisje as its antecedent.

Example 435
Coordinated definite and indefinite singulars (different gender)
a. [Een/De jongen en een/het meisje, die te laat kwamen], kregen straf.
  a/the boy and a/the girl  who  too late  came  got punishment
  'A/The boy and a/the girl, who were both late, were punished.'
a'. Een/De jongen en [een/het meisje, dat te laat kwam], kregen straf.
  a/the boy  and   a/the girl  who  too late  came  got punishment
  'A/The boy and a/the girl, who was late, were punished.'
b. Ik ontmoette [een/het jongen en een/het meisje, die naast me bleken te wonen].
  I met   a/the boy and a/the girl  who next.to me proved to live
  'Iʼve spoken with a/the boy and a/the girl, who turned out to live next to me.'
b'. Ik ontmoette een/de jongen en [een/het meisje, dat naast me bleek te wonen].
  I met  a/the boy  and   a/the girl,  who next.to me proved to live

      Subsection III has shown that coordinated antecedents preceded by a single article with a single reference reading can be modified by a non-restrictive clause. The examples in (436) show that, just as in the case of non-restrictive relative clauses in (434), the two conjuncts must have the same gender: the neuter noun vriendje'friend' and the non-neuter noun kameraad'pal' cannot share the same relative clause, as they require different relative pronouns. Again, these examples become fully grammatical if we replace the diminutive form vriendje by the neuter form vriend.

Example 436
a. Ik zoek een vriendje en kameraad, ?die/*dat dezelfde hobby heeft als ik.
  I search  a frienddim and pal   who  the.same hobby  has  as I
  'Iʼm looking for a friend and pal, who has the same hobby I have.'
b. Ik zoek een kameraad en vriendje, ??dat/*die dezelfde hobby heeft als ik.
[+]  B.  Number
[+]  1.  Restrictive relative clauses

If the conjuncts differ in number and the relative pronoun functions as the subject of the relative clause, as in (437), the relative order of the conjuncts may have a disambiguating effect. The (a)-examples show that if the plural conjunct precedes the singular one, the form of the finite verb in the relative clause dissolves the potential ambiguity: if it is plural we are dealing with the coordinated antecedent reading; if it is singular we are dealing with the non-coordinated antecedent reading. If, on the other hand, the singular element precedes the plural element, ambiguity does arise: since only the plural form of the verb is allowed, both the coordinated and the non-coordinated antecedent reading are possible. Note that, as usual, intonation will serve to disambiguate the two readings in speaking.

Example 437
Coordinated indefinite phrases with different number
a. [Twee mannen en een jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  two men and a boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
  'Two men and a boy who were late werenʼt admitted.'
a'. Twee mannen en [een jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [Een man en twee jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and two boys  who too late came  were  not  prt.-admitted
b'. Een man en [twee jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.

      For many speakers the coordinated antecedent reading is less acceptable in the case of coordination of two definite phrases; in this respect the primeless examples in (438) behave just like cases in which the conjuncts do not differ in number. The non-coordinated reading in the primed examples is fully acceptable.

Example 438
Coordinated definite phrases with different number
a. % [De mannen en de jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the men and the boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
  'The men and the boy who were late werenʼt admitted.'
a'. De mannen en [de jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
b. % [De man en de jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boys  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
b'. De man en [de jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
[+]  2.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

The examples in (439) and (440) show that non-restrictive relative clauses can readily take as their antecedent a coordinated antecedent with conjuncts that differ in number: all combinations and interpretations are available without any problem in both indefinite and definite phrases.

Example 439
Coordinated indefinite phrases with different number
a. [Twee mannen en een jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  two men and a boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
a'. Twee mannen en [een jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [Een man en twee jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and two boys  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
b'. Een man en [twee jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
Example 440
Coordinated definite phrases with different number
a. [De mannen en de jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the men and the boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
a'. De mannen en [de jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [De man en de jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boys  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
b'. De man en [de jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
[+]  C.  Definiteness
[+]  1.  Restrictive relative clauses

If two coordinated elements differ with regard to definiteness, it is virtually impossible to interpret the restrictive relative clause as modifying both elements. Thus, the primeless examples in (441), where the plural form of the finite verb of the relative clause forces a coordinated antecedent reading, are clearly unacceptable. The non-coordinated antecedent readings in (441), on the other hand, are fully grammatical. The examples in (442) also clearly favor the non-coordinated antecedent reading.

Example 441
Coordinated singulars (difference in definiteness)
a. *? [De man en een jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
a'. De man en [een jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man  and   a boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
b. *? [Een man en de jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
b'. Een man en [de jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man  and   the boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
Example 442
Coordinated plurals (difference in definiteness)
a. *? [De mannen en twee jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
a'. De mannen en [twee jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the men  and   two boys  who too late came  were not prt.-admitted
b. *? [Twee mannen en de jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
b'. Twee mannen en [de jongens die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  two men  and   the boys  who too late came  were not prt.-admitted
[+]  2.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

The examples in (443) and (444) show that non-restrictive relative clauses with coordinated antecedents consisting of a definite and an indefinite conjunct do not significantly differ from restrictive relative clauses. Here, too, only the non-coordinated antecedent readings are fully acceptable.

Example 443
Coordinated singular phrase with difference in definiteness
a. ?? [De man en een jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
a'. De man en [een jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man  and   a boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
b. *? [Een man en de jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
b'. Een man en [de jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man  and   the boy  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
Example 444
Coordinated plural phrases with difference in definiteness
a. *? [De mannen en twee jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
a'. De mannen en [twee jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the men  and two boys  who too late came  were not prt.-admitted
b. *? [Twee mannen en de jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
b'. Twee mannen en [de jongens, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  two men  and the boys  who too late came  were not prt.-admitted
[+]  D.  Quantification
[+]  1.  Restrictive relative clauses

Example (445a) shows that quantified elements that are formally plural can form a coordinated antecedent of a restrictive relative clause, although the marked status of (445b) suggests that acceptability may depend on the combination of quantifiers. The primed examples show that the non-coordinated antecedent reading is always readily available.

Example 445
a. [Alle leden en sommige niet-leden die zich hadden ingeschreven], kregen korting.
  all members  and  some non-members  who  refl  had  prt.-registered  got  discount
  'All members and some non-members who had registered got a reduction.'
a'. Alle leden en [sommige niet-leden die zich hadden ingeschreven], kregen korting.
  all members  and   some non-members  who  refl  had  prt.-registered  got  discount
  'All members got a reduction, and some non-members who had registered.'
b. ?? [De meeste mannen en enkele vrouwen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
b'. De meeste mannen [en enkele vrouwen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the most men   and some women  who too late came  were not  prt.-admitted
  'Most men and some women who were late werenʼt admitted.'

      If the quantified elements are formally singular the coordinated structure is also formally singular, as is clear from the fact that the coordinated subject in (446) triggers singular agreement on the verb. Observe that it is possible to leave out the second quantifier.

Example 446
Elke leerling en (elke) leraar werd/*werden gestraft.
  every student and every teacher  was/were  punished

This implies that if the relative pronoun functions as the subject of the relative clause, the finite verb of the relative clause must also be singular, as in the examples in (447). If the second quantifier is not present, the non-coordinated antecedent reading is entirely excluded. If the second quantifier is present, on the other hand, it seems that it is the non-coordinated antecedent reading that is preferred. The reason for this may be that the structures in (447a) and (447b) compete, and that the former is preferred as it does not require the postulation of elided structure; cf. the discussion of example (380) in Subsection I.

Example 447
a. [Elke leerling en leraar die te laat kwam], werd gestraft.
  every student and teacher  who  too late  came  was punished
  'Every student and teacher who was late was punished.'
a'. * Elke leerling en [leraar die te laat kwam], werd gestraft.
  every student  and  teacher  who too late came  was punished
b. ? [Elke leerling en elke leraar die te laat kwam], werd gestraft.
  every student and every teacher  who too late came  was punished
  'Every student and every teacher who was late was punished.'
b'. Elke leerling en [elke leraar die te laat kwam], werd gestraft.
  every student  and  every teacher  who too late came  was punished
  'Every student, and every teacher who was late was punished.'

The fact that (447b) is still reasonably acceptable may follow from the fact that backward conjunction reduction gives rise to the acceptable representation in (448a). An argument in favor of such an analysis is that the two conjuncts in examples such as (447b) must have the same gender; the (b)-examples (448) show that if the conjuncts differ in gender, the first relative pronoun cannot be erased under conjunction reduction, but must be overtly realized. Example (448b') may be slightly marked, but improves if the verbs are replaced by verbs in the present tense, which would make a generic reading possible: Elke jongen die en elk meisje dat te laat komt, wordt gestraft'each boy or girl who is late will be punished'.

Example 448
a. Elke leerling die te laat kwam en elke leraar die te laat kwam, werd gestraft.
  every pupil  who too late came  and  every teacher  who too late came was  punished
b. * Elke jongen die te laat kwam en elk meisje dat te laat kwam, werd gestraft.
  every boy who too late came  and  every girl who too late came  was punished
b'. ? Elke jongen die te laat kwam en elk meisje dat te laat kwam, werd gestraft.
  every boy who too late came  and  every girl who too late came  was punished

      If a quantified and a non-quantified element are coordinated, as in (449), the coordinated antecedent reading in the primeless examples seems questionable. The non-coordinated antecedent reading in the primed examples, on the other hand, is fully acceptable.

Example 449
a. *? [De mannen en enkele vrouwen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
a'. De mannen en [enkele vrouwen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the men  and   some women  who too late came  were not prt.-admitted
  'The men and some of the women who were late werenʼt admitted.'
b. ?? [Alle leden en de niet-leden die zich hadden ingeschreven], kregen korting.
b'. Alle leden en [de niet-leden die zich hadden ingeschreven], kregen korting.
  all members  and  the non-members  who refl had registered  got discount
  'All members and the non-members who had registered got a reduction.'
[+]  2.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

It is difficult to judge whether non-restrictive relative clauses can take a quantified antecedent at all. In many potential cases, an appositive interpretation seems more readily available, although it must be said that it is often difficult to distinguish the two cases.

Example 450
a. ?? Alle mannen, die zich te laat hadden ingeschreven, werden niet toegelaten.
  all men who refl.  too late have prt.-registered  were not prt.-admitted
a'. ? Alle mannen – die zich te laat hadden ingeschreven – werden niet toegelaten.
  all men  who refl. too late have prt.-registered  were not prt.-admitted
b. ?? Sommige vrouwen, die te laat kwamen, werden niet toegelaten
  some women  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
b'. ? Sommige vrouwen – die te laat kwamen – werden niet toegelaten.
  some women  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
  'Some women—those who were too late— werenʼt admitted.'
c. ? Enkele vrouwen, die te laat kwamen, werden niet toegelaten.
  some women  who  too late  came,  were not prt.-admitted
c'. Enkele vrouwen – die te laat kwamen – werden niet toegelaten.
  some women,  who  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
  'Some women—those who were late— werenʼt admitted.'

Given this, it does not come as a surprise that non-restrictive relative clauses with coordinated quantified antecedents never give rise to a very felicitous result: both the coordinated antecedent reading in (451a) and the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (451b) are somewhat marked. Note that the latter seems to become fully acceptable if the modifier is given an appositional interpretation, as in (451b').

Example 451
a. ?? [Alle mannen en enkele vrouwen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  all men and some women  who too late came  were not prt.-admitted
  'All men and some women, who were late, werenʼt admitted.'
b. ? Alle mannen en [enkele vrouwen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  'All men and some women, who were late, werenʼt admitted.'
b'. Alle mannen en [enkele vrouwen –die te laat kwamen–] werden niet toegelaten.
  'All men and some women—those who were late— werenʼt admitted.'

      If quantified and non-quantified elements are coordinated, the coordinated antecedent reading is not available. This is shown in examples (452), where the construction is only marginally acceptable with the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (452b), or with the appositional interpretation in (452b').

Example 452
a. *? [De mannen en enkele vrouwen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the men and some women  who too late came  were not prt.-admitted
b. ? De mannen en [enkele vrouwen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  'The men and some of the women, who were late, werenʼt admitted.'
b'. De mannen en [enkele vrouwen – die te laat kwamen –] werden niet toegelaten.
  'The men and some of the women—those who were late— werenʼt admitted.'
[+]  V.  Conclusion

This subsection briefly summarizes the finding above by considering the possible ways of representing relativized constructions with antecedents that are part of a coordinated structure. Such constructions are potentially ambiguous between a coordinated antecedent reading, on which both conjuncts function as antecedents of the relative clause, and a non-coordinated antecedent reading, on which only the final conjunct functions as antecedent of the relative clause. Whether both constructions are available may depend on the nature of the conjoined noun phrases.

[+]  A.  Coordinated antecedent reading

When we are dealing with restrictive relative clauses, we find that there are two forms of coordinated antecedents, each with its own underlying structure, which are distinguished by the number of articles present. If there is more than one article, as in (453), coordination takes place at the level of the DP: the two DPs each have their own referent set, restricted by the relative clause. Since determiners cannot be in the scope of a restrictive relative clause, we have suggested that each conjunct has its own relative clause; as these two relative clauses are identical, the first one is erased under backward conjunction reduction, resulting in a structure with two determiners, but only one phonetically realized relative clause.

Example 453
Coordinated antecedent reading with two articles (Restrictive relative clauses)
a. [DP D [NP Ni [RC1 RELi ... ti...]]] en
b. [DP de [NP jongens [RC1 die ... ]]] en
    the   boys   who and
  [DP D [NP Nj [RC2 RELj ... tj ... ]]]  
  [DP de [NP meisjes [RC2 die ... ]]]  
    the   girls   who  

If there is just a single article, as in (454), coordination takes place at the NP-level: the two elements share both the determiner and the restrictive relative clause.

Example 454
Coordinated antecedent reading with one article (Restrictive relative clauses)
a. [DP D [NP N and N]i [RC RELi ... ti ...]]
b. [DP de [NP jongens en meisjes] [RC die ...]]
    the   boys and the girls   who

It must be stressed that we have found several cases of coordinated antecedents of restrictive relative clauses that cannot readily be accounted for by either of these representations. This holds especially for cases with singular conjuncts, in which each conjunct has its own definite determiner; see Subsections II and IV for discussion and a potential solution for at least some of the problems.
      For constructions with a non-restrictive relative clause, coordination takes place at the level of the DP, which means that the “shared determiner” structure of (454) is not available. The one remaining structure for coordinated antecedents with non-restrictive relative clauses is given in (455).

Example 455
Coordinated antecedent reading (Non-restrictive relative clause)
a. [[[DP D N] and [DP D N]]i, [RC RELi ... ti ... ]]
b. [[[DP de katten] en [DP de honden]], [RC die ...]]
    the cats and   the dogs   which

[+]  B.  Non-coordinated antecedent reading

In (456) and (457) we find the representations of the non-coordinated antecedent readings for constructions with restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses, respectively. Although the antecedent is part of a coordinated structure, the antecedent itself consists of one element only: it is only the second element of the coordination that functions as the antecedent of the relative clause. This means that coordination takes place at the level of the DP, but that only the second DP contains a restrictive relative clause.

Example 456
Non-coordinated antecedent reading (restrictive relative clauses)
a. [[DP D [NP N]] en [DP D [NP Nj] [RC RELj ... ti ...]]]
b. [[DP de [NP jongens]] en [DP de [NP meisjes] [RC die ...]]]
  the boys and the girls who
Example 457
Non-coordinated antecedent reading (non-restrictive relative clauses)
a. [[DP D [NP N]] and [DP D [NP N]]i, [RC RELi ... ti ...]]
b. [[DP de [NP katten]] en [DP de [NP honden]], [RC die ...]]
  the cats and the dogs which

[+]  C.  The conjuncts of the antecedent

The conjuncts that are part of the antecedent may differ in gender and number. In that case, the gender or number marking on the relative pronoun may have a disambiguating effect: if the relative pronoun agrees with the second conjunct, but not with the first one (or, in the case of number, the full coordinated phrase), it is only the non-coordinated antecedent reading that is available. Another difference that could in principle arise between the two conjuncts is that in definiteness, but in these cases the coordinated antecedent reading is not available. Finally, if two quantified elements are combined, the degree of acceptability of the two readings seems to depend on the quantifiers involved.

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