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3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
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This section is concerned with PPs functioning as postnominal modifiers. Some examples of noun phrases containing such a modifier are given in (40).

Example 40
Prepositional phrases
a. tulpen uit Amsterdam
  tulips  from Amsterdam
b. een meisje met rood haar
  girl  with red hair
c. een cadeautje voor mijn moeder
  present  for my mother
d. de auto van mijn buurman
  the  car  of my neighbor
  'my neighborʼs car'
e. het gekuch tijdens de voorstelling
  the  coughing  during the performance

The examples in (41) show that the postnominal PP-modifier need not be prepositional in nature, but can also be post- or circumpositional.

Example 41
Post- and circumpositional phrases
a. de weg de berg op
  the road  the mountain  up
  'the road up the mountain'
b. het kanaal onder de weg door
  the channel  under  the road  through
  'the channel underneath the road'

Given that the prepositions are by far the largest group of adpositions and given that they behave in a way similar to the post- and circumpositions in the relevant respects, we will mainly use them in the examples to follow.
      The restrictive PP-modifiers in (40) and (41) reduce the set of potential referents of the nominal head: in (40a) the PP restricts the set of all tulips to those from Amsterdam, in (40b) reference is made not to any girl, but to a girl with red hair, etc. Although PP-modifiers are typically restrictive, they can also be used non-restrictively, in which case they merely provide extra information about the set denoted by the nominal head. In what follows we will discuss these two uses of postnominal PP-modifiers in some detail.

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[+]  I.  Restrictive PP-modifiers

In speech, the restrictive use of PP-modifiers can be recognized by the fact that the head noun and the PP form a single intonation unit. In written language, restrictive PP-modifiers are not characterized by any typographical features either; it is rather the absence of such features that makes them recognizable in written text. For examples, see Section 3.1.1, sub I.
      Section 3.1 has shown that restrictive modifiers serve to reduce the referent set of the noun phrase by restricting the denotation of the nominal head. This also holds for restrictive PP-modifiers in postnominal position, which may therefore be crucial for determining the truth conditions of the sentence and/or for the identifiability of the intended referent. In (42), for example, the predications only hold for the restricted sets: without the PP the sentences are grammatical, but the truth value of the sentence may change from true to false.

Example 42
a. Moderne horloges (uit Zwitserland) lopen altijd gelijk.
  modern watches  from Switzerland  run  always  on time
  'Modern watches (from Switzerland) always keep good time.'
b. Je hebt niets aan een computer (met zo weinig geheugen).
  you  have  nothing  on a computer   with so little memory

In (43), the PPs restrict the set denoted by the nominal head to exactly one, thus enabling the hearer to pick out the intended referent. Without the PPs, the sentences remain grammatical, but the referent may become unidentifiable for the hearer. If so, the sentence as a whole will become infelicitous as well due to the fact that the use of a definite determiner implies identifiability of the intended referent, while the information given in the noun phrase is insufficient to warrant that implication.

Example 43
a. De auto (van de buurman) is in beslag genomen.
  the car   of the neighbor  is confiscated
  'The neighborʼs car has been confiscated.'
b. Het boek (op de tafel) is van mij.
  the book   on the table  is of me
  'The book on the table is mine.'

Now that we have seen that the function of restrictive PP-modifiers is to reduce the set of potential referents of the noun phrase as a whole, the following subsections will consider what the result of this is with several types of noun phrases.

[+]  A.  Indefinite noun phrases

Indefinite noun phrases are not identifiable for the speaker and/or the addressee. This holds also for modified noun phrases. The effect of adding a PP-modifier is simply that the relevant set is smaller in size: in example (44c), for instance, the speaker expresses that the entities he has in mind are part of the subset of tulips that have the property of being from Amsterdam.

Example 44
a. Ik ben op zoek naar [een cadeautje voor mijn moeder].
  am  looking  for   a present  for my mother
  'Iʼm looking for a present for my mother.'
b. Hij heeft [een meisje met rood haar] ontmoet.
  he  has   a girl  with red hair  met
  'He has met a girl with red hair.'
c. Ik heb [tulpen uit Amsterdam] voor je meegenomen.
  have   tulips  from Amsterdam  for you  prt.-brought
  'Iʼve brought you tulips from Amsterdam.'

      The noun phrases in (44) can be pronounced with neutral intonation or with accent on the PP. In the former case, the speaker simply refers to a (possibly empty) set of entities with the desired properties. In the latter case, exemplified in (45), two sets are (implicitly or explicitly) contrasted: the first set is characterized by having the property denoted by the nominal head, but lacking the property denoted in the PP, whereas the second has both properties. Example (45b), for example, contrasts the set of girls with red hair with the set of girls with hair of some other color.

Example 45
a. Ik ben op zoek naar [een cadeautje voor mijn moeder]; niet voor mijn zus.
  I am looking  for   a present  for my mother  not  for my sister
b. Hij heeft [een meisje met rood haar] ontmoet; niet met blond haar.
  he  has   a girl  with red hair  met  not  with blond hair
c. Ik heb [tulpen uit Amsterdam] voor je meegenomen; niet uit Tilburg.
  have  tulips from Amsterdam  for you  prt.-brought  not  from Tilburg

      Indefinite constructions of this type can also be used generically, both with singular and plural noun phrases. In example (46a), for instance, predication is said to hold for any watch from Switzerland, while in (46b) it is claimed that all tomatoes from tropical countries are delicious. Again, it is not asserted that the predications hold of the larger sets of watches and tomatoes.

Example 46
a. [Een horloge uit Zwitserland] loopt altijd gelijk.
  a watch  from Switzerland  runs  always  on.time
  'A watch from Switzerland always keeps good time.'
b. [Tomaten uit tropische landen] zijn erg lekker.
  tomatoes  from tropical countries  are  very nice
[+]  B.  Quantified noun phrases

In quantified noun phrases, restrictive PP-modifiers again fulfill the function of restricting the denotation of the NP. As the PPs are part of the NP-domains and therefore fall within the scope of the quantifier, they serve to restrict the domain of the quantifier. In other words, in (47a) the PP voor mijn moeder'for my mother' first restricts the set of possible presents, and subsequently the noun phrase as a whole is quantified by enkele'some'. As a result of these scope relations, the sentence in (47a) says nothing about the total number of presents I am looking for (which may be many), but only about the number of presents for my mother. Likewise, in (47b) the predicate of being tasty is not assigned to all tomatoes, but only to those from Italy, while in (47c) not every book, but only the ones with a red dot, are reduced in price.

Example 47
a. Ik ben op zoek naar [enkele cadeautjes voor mijn moeder].
  am  looking  for   some presents  for my mother
b. [Alle tomaten uit Italië] zijn lekker.
  all tomatoes  from Italy  are  delicious
c. [Elk boek met een rode stip] is in prijs verlaagd.
  every book  with a red dot  is in price  reduced
  'Every book with a red dot has been reduced in price.'
[+]  C.  Definite noun phrases

In definite noun phrases, the function of the PP is to enable the hearer to uniquely identify the intended referent set in the given discourse situation. Example (48a), for example, can be used in a context in which one may be expected to bring presents for oneʼs mother. Note that, just as in the case of indefinite noun phrases in (45), stressing the PP implies the existence of yet another set of presents: in (48b), in which the PP is contrastively stressed, the hearer is assumed to know that the speaker has bought presents for a number of people.

Example 48
a. Ik ben [de cadeautjes voor mijn moeder] vergeten.
  have   the presents  for my mother  forgotten
  'Iʼve forgotten the presents for my mother.'
b. Ik ben [de cadeautjes voor mijn moeder] vergeten.

If the noun phrase is singular, the referent set is said to contain exactly one referent; thus, the most likely reading of (49a) is one in which the neighbor has only one car. This effect seems lost or at least less prominent in contrastive contexts: (49b) simply expresses that one car was confiscated, and that this happened to be a car owned by my neighbor (not by someone else).

Example 49
a. Ze hebben [de auto van mijn buurman] in beslag genomen.
  they  have   the car  of my neighbor  confiscated
  'They have confiscated my neighborʼs car.'
b. Ze hebben [de auto van mijn buurman] in beslag genomen.

The examples in (50) show that, in the case of locational prepositions, the PP-modifier can be contrasted in several ways. First consider the contrast between the PPs in the (a)- and the (b)-examples: the PP in (50a) is not contrasted and merely serves to distinguish the book on the table from any other book, whereas the PPs in the (b)-examples are contrasted, and thus imply a second set of books that is not on the table. In (50b), contrastive accent is placed on the complement of the preposition, de tafel'the table', and the alternative set of books is consequently identified by its relation to some object other than the table. In (50b'), on the other hand, contrastive accent falls on the preposition, and the alternative set of books is consequently identified by having a different orientation with respect to the table.

Example 50
a. [De boeken op de tafel] zijn van mij; de andere boeken niet.
  the books  on the table  are of me  the other books  not
  'The books on the table are mine; the other books arenʼt.'
b. [De boeken op de tafel] zijn van mij; die in de kast zijn van Jan.
  the books  on the table  are of me  those  in the bookcase  are of Jan
b'. [De boeken op de tafel] zijn van mij; [die onder de tafel] zijn van Jan.
  the books  on the table  are of me  those  under the table  are of Jan

      Generally speaking, when a singular definite noun phrase is modified by a PP, the nominal complement of the preposition is also definite, as shown in (51a&b). Given that definiteness typically indicates identifiability, this is not surprising; if the entity itself is identifiable, so will the properties referred to by the PP. Alternatively, one could argue that since the function of the modifier is to enable the addressee to identify the overall referent, we again expect the presence of a definite noun phrase in the PP.

Example 51
a. de emmer met het/??een gat
  the bucket  with the/a hole
b. het huis op de/??een hoek
  the house  at the/a corner

As shown in (52), plural definite noun phrases can be modified by a PP if the noun phrase complement of the preposition is indefinite. In that case, the DP refers to a contextually determined set of entities, and the function of the PP-modifier is to restrict this set to those entities that have the property expressed by the PP.

Example 52
a. de emmers met een/*het gat
  the buckets with a/the hole
b. de huizen op een/de hoek
  the houses  at a/the corner

Note that the referent set of (52b) varies with the choice of the determiner: if we are dealing with the definite determiner de, the set consists of houses situated at a contextually determined street corner; if we are dealing with the indefinite determiner een, the set consists of the subset of houses situated on some street corner. For a similar reason, example (52a) with a definite noun phrase complement is unacceptable because it forces a reading in which there is a particular (identifiable) hole in each of the buckets.
      The (a)-examples in (53) show that singular indefinite noun phrases have the converse property of not allowing PP-modifiers if the noun phrase complement of the preposition is definite: once a particular property is identifiable or known, so must be the entity referred to by the noun phrase as a whole. The (b)-examples are only acceptable with a definite PP-modifier when it is established knowledge that there is more than one house located at the street corner in question.

Example 53
a. een emmer met een/??het gat
  a bucket  with a/the hole
a'. emmers met een/??het gat
  buckets  with a/the hole
b. een huis op een/#de hoek
  a house  at a/the corner
b'. huizen op een/#de hoek
  houses  at a/the corner

If this line of reasoning holds water, we should conclude that in inalienable possession constructions, the addition of an indefinite van-PP to a definite noun phrase may make the definite noun phrase sufficiently “indefinite” to act as the modifier of an indefinite noun phrase. This is illustrated by the examples in (54), which are acceptable in any context.

Example 54
a. Ik wil graag een huis op de hoek van een straat kopen.
  want  gladly  a house  on the corner of a street  buy
  'I would like to buy a house on the corner of a street.'
b. Zij willen allemaal graag huizen op de hoek van een straat kopen.
  they  want  all  gladly  houses on the corner of a street  buy
  'They would all like to buy houses on the corner of a street.'
[+]  D.  Noun phrases with a demonstrative pronoun

Combinations of a demonstrative determiner and a restrictive PP-modifier are not very frequent. This is not surprising, since in most cases the use of a demonstrative, whether deictic or anaphoric, suggests identifiability of the referent, thus rendering the use of a restrictive PP superfluous. This accounts for the fact that in neutral contexts, with a neutral intonation, the sentences in (55) are marked.

Example 55
a. ?? Deze auto van mijn buurman rijdt erg zuinig.
  this car  of my neighbor  drives  very economically
b. *? Dit boek met een rode stip is in prijs verlaagd.
  this book  with a red dot  is in price  reduced

There are, however, a number of special cases, in which the use of a PP-modifier gives rise to an acceptable result.

[+]  1.  Contrastive contexts

As in the case of noun phrases with a definite article, the PP may be used in contrastive contexts to distinguish the intended referent from some other available entities. In the case of a deictic demonstrative, accent will fall on the demonstrative as in example (56a). If the demonstrative is used anaphorically, accent will be placed on (part of) the noun phrase within the PP, as in example (56b), or on the preposition, as in example (56c).

Example 56
a. Bedoelt u deze auto uit Amerika, of die (auto uit Amerika)?
  mean  you  this car  from America  or  that car from America)
b. Die auto uit Amerika heeft vier airbags; die uit Japan twee.
  that car  from America  has  four airbags  that  from Japan  two
c. Die auto met spoilers is veel sneller dan die (auto) zonder (spoilers).
  that car  with spoilers  is much faster  that  that car  without spoilers
[+]  2.  Noun phrases referring to a type

Constituents containing a demonstrative determiner and a restrictive PP-modifier are also acceptable if the nominal denotes a type rather than a token. Thus in (57a) reference is made not to a particular car but to a particular type of car, which is available with or without air conditioning. In (57b) reference is made to the contents of the book rather than to the physical object.

Example 57
a. Deze (zelfde) auto met airconditioning is haast niet te verkrijgen.
  this   same  car  with air.conditioning  is almost  not  to obtain
  'This (same) car with air conditioning is hardly available.'
b. Dit(zelfde) boek met een harde kaft is veel duurder.
  this.same  book  with a hard cover  is much  more.expensive
  'This (same) book in hardcover is much more expensive.'
[+]  3.  Noun phrases invoking known information

Furthermore, constructions like these are common with distal demonstratives when used to (re-)invoke certain referents that are part of the domain of discourse. An example such as (58) is completely acceptable in a context in which there has been mention of the fact that we should not forget to bring the present in question. In colloquial Dutch, postnominal van-PPs are often used to identify persons that are not part of the active domain of discourse, but can still be assumed to be familiar to the hearer; see Section 5.2.3.2, sub IIB, for discussion.

Example 58
a. ? Ik ben dat cadeautje voor mijn moeder nou toch nog vergeten.
  have  that present  for my mother  now still prt. forgotten
  'Now, Iʼve still forgotten that present for my mother.'
b. Hé, dat is die man van dat reclamespotje!
  hey  that  is that man  from the commercial
  'Hey, that is the man from this commercial!'
c. Dat kind van hiernaast huilt de hele dag.
  that child  of next.door  cries  the whole day
  'That child next door is crying all day.'
[+]  E.  Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun, personal pronouns and proper nouns

Restrictive PP-modifiers cannot readily be used to modify constructions with possessive pronouns, personal pronouns or proper nouns. In all cases, the referent of the noun phrase is assumed to be identifiable independently from the information provided by the PP-modifier, which is therefore superfluous. Nevertheless there are certain cases in which adding a restrictive PP-modifier is possible. These will be discussed in the following subsections.

[+]  1.  Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun

PP-modifiers can be used in constructions with possessive pronouns, but only if the possessive construction by itself does not uniquely identify the intended referent. Thus, example (59) is perfectly acceptable provided the speaker owns at least one other watch.

Example 59
Ik ben mijn horloge met het zwarte bandje kwijt.
  am  my watch  with the black strap  lost
'Iʼve mislaid my watch with the black strap.'

Constructions such as (59) are typically used for things associated with the body that are normally referred to by means of a possessive phrase: mijn horloge'my watch'. PP-modifiers are also frequent with nouns denoting family members or other human relationships; the examples in (60) are all acceptable, the implication being that the speaker has more than one cousin, aunt and uncle, or friend and that the PP serves to uniquely identify the referent for the hearer.

Example 60
a. Onze neef (uit Amerika) komt vanavond ook.
  our cousin  from America  comes  tonight  also
  'Our cousin (from America) is also coming tonight.'
b. Mijn tante en oom (uit Laren) zijn morgen 40 jaar getrouwd.
  my aunt and uncle  from Laren  are  tomorrow  40 years  married
  'My aunt and uncle (from Laren) will be married 40 years tomorrow.'
c. Mijn vriendin (met die zes kinderen) komt vanavond eten.
  my friend  with those six children  comes  tonight  eat
  'My friend who has six children is coming to dinner tonight.'

It should be noted, however, that the possessive constructions in (60) may sometimes also be used in contexts where the PP does not fulfill an identifying function, in which case they come close to indefinite expressions (e.g., een neef van me uit Amerika'a cousin of mine from America'); see Section 5.2.2.2, sub I, for discussion.
      In most other cases, co-occurrence of a possessive determiner and a PP-modifier is odd, even in contrastive contexts like (61a-c). Given that replacement of the possessive pronouns by a definite article yields felicitous sentences, we may conclude that it is not definiteness that is at stake here.

Example 61
a. ?? Mijn boeken op de tafel gaan over de oorlog (die in de kast niet).
  my books  on the table  go  about the war  those in the bookcase not
  'My books on the table are about the war (those in the bookcase arenʼt).'
b. ? Onze bloemen in de tuin doen het goed (die in de kamer minder).
  our flowers  in the garden  do  it  well   those  in the room  less
  'Our flowers in the garden are doing well (those in the room not so well).'
c. ? Mijn buurman met de BMW gaat morgen op vakantie.
  my neighbor  with the BMW  goes  tomorrow  on holiday
  'My neighbor with the BMW is going on holiday tomorrow.'

Perhaps the degree of acceptability also depends on the form of the PP-modifier: if the modifier contains a bare noun phrase, as in (62), the construction seems to improve. Note, however, that these cases with bare noun phrases generally involve fixed collocations; cf. 5.1.2.3, sub II.

Example 62
Mijn boeken op tafel/zolder gaan over WO II (die in de kast niet).
  my books  on table/attic  go  about WW II   those in the bookcase not
'My books on the table/in the attic are about WW II (those in the bookcase arenʼt).'
[+]  2.  Personal pronouns

With personal pronouns the use of PP-modifiers is severely restricted. Once again, this is not surprising, since personal pronouns are normally only used if the intended referent is assumed to be uniquely identifiable in the given context. Nevertheless, PP-modifiers can be used if the referent is not uniquely identifiable, as for instance with the deictically used pronouns in (63a&b).

Example 63
a. Zij met die blauwe blouse is mijn buurvrouw.
  she  with the blue blouse  is my neighbor
b. Hij bij het raam is mijn broer.
  he  at the window  is my brother

      In colloquial Dutch it is common to modify personal pronouns by a van-PP containing a phrase mentioning a location associated with the referent in order to identify the intended referent, as in (64a&b). The phrase as a whole differs from those in (63) in that it is often used rather disparagingly. A special use of this construction is (64c), where the preposition van is followed by the family name of the person in question.

Example 64
a. Ik heb hem van hiernaast al in geen tijden meer gezien.
  have  him  of next.door  already  in no times  anymore  seen
  'Him from next door I havenʼt seen for ages.'
b. Zij van de overkant zit de hele dag voor het raam.
  she  from the other.side  sits  the whole day  for the window
  'She from across sits at the window all day.'
c. Zij van Jansen heeft een nieuwe baan.
  she  from Jansen  has  a new job
  'The Jansen woman has a new job.'
[+]  3.  Proper nouns

Restrictive PP-modifiers can only be used to modify proper nouns under special circumstances. Once again, this is not surprising: proper nouns normally have unique reference in a given discourse situation, which means that their referent set cannot be further restricted. There are, however, circumstances in which proper nouns do not refer uniquely, as for instance when in a given context there are more persons by the same name.

Example 65
a. Jan van hiernaast komt vanavond op visite.
  Jan  of next.door  comes  tonight  on visit
  'Jan from next door is coming to visit us tonight.'
b. Piet van Jan en Marie heeft een nieuwe baan.
  Piet  of Jan and Marie  has  a new job
c. Marie uit Tilburg heeft gisteren opgebeld.
  Marie  from Tilburg  has  yesterday  prt.-called
  'Marie from Tilburg called yesterday.'

      Another situation in which a proper noun can be followed by a restrictive PP-modifier is that in which it is not the (physical) entity that is referred to, but a personʼs or objectʼs characteristics. As these may change according to the circumstances, we are no longer dealing with a uniquely identifiable entity, as a result of which identification by a restrictive PP becomes possible. Constructions of this kind are typically used in contrastive contexts.

Example 66
a. Koningin Beatrix op vakantie is heel iemand anders dan Koningin Beatrix in functie.
  Queen Beatrix on holiday  is quite someone else than Queen Beatrix  in function
  'Queen Beatrix on holiday is quite a different person from Queen Beatrix in office.'
b. Jan in Amerika is niet dezelfde persoon als Jan in Holland.
  Jan in America is not  the.same person  as  Jan in Holland
c. In het Amsterdam uit mijn kinderjaren waren er haast geen autoʼs.
  in the Amsterdam  of my childhood  were  there  virtually  no cars
  'There were virtually no cars in the Amsterdam of my youth.'
[+]  II.  Non-restrictive PP-modifiers

In speech, non-restrictive PPs are typically separated from their nominal head by an intonation break. In written language, this is represented by placing the non-restrictive PP-modifiers between commas. Some examples are given in (67).

Example 67
a. Jan, op vakantie in Frankrijk, weet nog van niets.
  Jan  on holiday in France  knows  yet  of nothing
  'Jan, on holiday in France, doesnʼt know anything yet.'
b. De boeken, in pakken van 20 stuks, stonden klaar voor verzending.
  the books  in parcels of 20 pieces  stood  ready for shipping
  'The books, in parcels of 20, were ready for shipping.'
c. Dat witte huis, tegenover de bibliotheek, willen we graag kopen.
  that white house  opposite the library  want  we gladly  buy
  'That white house, opposite the library, weʼd very much like to buy.'
d. Kelners, met smetteloos witte overhemden, liepen af en aan.
  waiters  with spotless white shirts  walked  off and on
  'Waiters, in spotless white shirts, walked to and fro.'

      Unlike restrictive modifiers, the postnominal non-restrictive PP-modifiers do not restrict the set of entities denoted by the nominal head, but provide additional information about these entities. As such they affect neither the truth conditions of a sentence nor the identifiability of the intended referent. In (68), for example, the predications hold for all watches and computers: the sentences are both true and grammatical, but less informative, without the PP-modifier; the non-restrictive PPs actually emphasize that there is no restriction involved.

Example 68
a. Horloges, van welk merk dan ook, worden steeds goedkoper.
  watches  of which brand prt prt  become  ever  cheaper
  'Watches, no matter their brand, are becoming cheaper and cheaper.'
b. Een computer, met of zonder internetaansluiting, is onmisbaar.
  a computer  with or without internet connection  is indispensable

In (69), the intended referents of the DP as a whole are assumed to be identifiable without the information provided by the PP; without the PP-modifiers, the sentences are grammatical and felicitous, but, again, less informative.

Example 69
a. De auto, van een Duits merk, werd in beslag genomen.
  the car  of a German make  was  confiscated
b. De bruid, in het wit, zag er stralend uit.
  the bride  in the white  saw  there  radiant  prt.
  'The bride, all in white, looked radiant.'

Recall that it may be difficult to distinguish non-restrictive PP-modifiers like the ones in (68) from appositional PPs; see Section 3.1.3 for a brief discussion of the difference between the two types of construction.
      Now that we have seen that non-restrictive PPs do not have an effect on the referential properties of the noun phrase as a whole and the truth value of the proposition made in the main clause, but are simply used to provide additional information about the referent set, we will discuss their use and function in several types of noun phrases.

[+]  A.  Indefinite noun phrases

If the noun phrase is indefinite, the implication is that the additional information provided by the PP applies to all members of the referent set of the noun phrase, regardless of the specificity of the noun phrase. In (70a), for example, we are dealing with a nonspecific indefinite noun phrase, and it is claimed that the speaker is looking for presents; as extra information, it is added that they are intended for the speakerʼs mother. In (70b), we are dealing with a specific indefinite noun phrase, and the PP-modifier adds as additional information that the property of being impressed by the view holds for the person that the speaker has in mind.

Example 70
a. Ik ben op zoek naar cadeautjes, voor mijn moeder.
  am  looking  for presents  for my mother
b. Ik zag een vriend van me, onder de indruk van het uitzicht, fotoʼs maken.
  saw  a friend of mine  under the impression of the view  photos  make
  'I saw a friend of mine, impressed by the view, taking pictures.'

Non-restrictive PP-modifiers can also be used if the indefinite noun phrase is interpreted generically. Perhaps the result in (71a) is somewhat marked, but insofar as this sentence is acceptable it expresses that all cuckoo clocks come from Switzerland. Sentence (71b) seems fully acceptable and expresses that all Lapps live in the north of Sweden.

Example 71
a. ? Een koekoeksklok, uit Zwitserland, loopt bijna altijd gelijk.
  a cuckoo clock  from Switzerland  runs  nearly  always  on.time
  'A cuckoo clock, from Switzerland, nearly always keeps good time.'
b. Lappen, in het noorden van Zweden, leven erg geïsoleerd.
  Lapps  in the north of Sweden  live  very isolated
[+]  B.  Quantified noun phrases

Non-restrictive PP-modifiers fall outside the scope of the quantifier in quantified DPs; consequently, they do not serve to restrict the domain of the quantifier, but provide extra information about an already quantified set. Moreover, the truth conditions of the predication are not affected by the presence or absence of the modifier. In (72a) the speaker is looking for some presents; the PP merely adds the information that they are all intended for the speakerʼs mother. In example (72b), the speaker states that there are many tourists in the hotel; the additional information provided by the PP is that they are all from Germany. Similarly, in the generic sentence in (72c), the additional information asserted is that all the tomatoes under discussion are from Italy. Finally, in (72d) each book is said to be reduced in price; from a semantic point of view, the information provided by the non-restrictive PP-modifier is superfluous and is merely added for the pragmatic reason of removing potential doubt on the part of the hearer.

Example 72
a. Ik ben op zoek naar enkele cadeautjes, voor mijn moeder.
  am  looking  for some presents  for my mother
b. Er waren veel toeristen, uit Duitsland, in het hotel.
  there  were  many tourists  from Germany  in the hotel
c. Alle tomaten, uit Italië, zijn lekker.
  all tomatoes  from Italy  are nice
d. Elk boek, met of zonder rode stip, is in prijs verlaagd.
  every book  with or without red dot  is in price  reduced
  'Every book, with or without a red dot, has been reduced in price.'
[+]  C.  Definite noun phrases

If the DP is definite, the function of the PP is again to provide additional information about the (possibly singleton) referent set of the noun phrase. This means that this referent set is assumed to be uniquely identifiable for the speaker without the information in the non-restrictive modifier. Thus, the most likely reading of (73a) is one in which the car in question has already been introduced into the discourse and is therefore identifiable by the addressee. The salient new information is that it has been confiscated; extra and typically new information concerning ownership is provided by the non-restrictive PP-modifier van mijn buurman'of my neighbor'. Since the identifiability of the intended referent is not determined by the PP-modifier, the neighbor may actually own more than one car. Similarly, (73b) is felicitous in a context in which the speaker has already mentioned the present, without mentioning the benefactive. This latter information is now added as extra information, which is not (cannot even) be used to identify the intended referent. The cat mentioned in (73c) is identifiable for the speaker, and two things are said about it at the same time, namely that it was purring and that it was situated between soft cushions (which might well be the cause of the purring event).

Example 73
a. Ze hebben de auto, van mijn buurman, in beslag genomen.
  they  have  the car  of my neighbor  confiscated
b. Ik ben het cadeautje, voor mijn moeder, vergeten mee te brengen.
  have  the present  for my mother  forgotten  prt.  to bring
  'Iʼve forgotten to bring the present, for my mother.'
c. De kat, tussen de zachte kussens, lag heerlijk te spinnen.
  the cat  between the soft cushions  lay  pleasantly  to purr
  'The cat, between the soft cushions, was purring pleasantly.'

As can be seen from example (74), non-restrictive PP-modifiers can also be used in generic contexts. Once again, the implication is that the additional information provided in the PP-modifier is new for the hearer and applies to all members of the referent set of the noun phrase.

Example 74
De Lappen, uit het noorden van Zweden, kennen nog veel oude tradities.
  the Lapps  from the north of Sweden  know  still  many old traditions
'The Lapps, from the north of Sweden, still have many traditions.'
[+]  D.  Noun phrases with a demonstrative determiner

It is quite common for DPs with a demonstrative determiner to be followed by a non-restrictive PP-modifier; the use of the demonstrative, suggesting identifiability on the basis of textual or contextual information, does not clash with the function of non-restrictive modifiers. The sentences in (75) are therefore all perfectly acceptable, both with and without the PP-modifiers.

Example 75
a. Deze auto, van mijn buurman, rijdt erg zuinig.
  this car  of my neighbor  drives  very economically
b. Dat meisje daar, met die blauwe trui, ken ik nog van school.
  that girl  there  with that blue sweater  know  still  from school
  'That girl over there, with the blue sweater, I know from school.'
c. Dit boek, met een rode stip, is in prijs verlaagd.
  this book  with a red dot  is in price  reduced
  'This book, with a red dot, has been reduced in price.'

      Similarly, in contrastive contexts the PP-modifier does not serve to distinguish between two intended referents: the identity of the intended referents is assumed to be known on the basis of the context; the information given in the PP-modifiers is additional information about these referents. That this extra information is nevertheless relevant can be seen from example (76b), in which the two non-restrictive PPs provide the reason for the claim made in the main clause (compare also (75c)).

Example 76
a. Bedoelt u deze auto, uit Amerika, of die (auto), uit Japan?
  mean  you  this car  from America  or  that car  from Japan
  'Do you mean this car, from America, or that (car), from Japan?'
b. Die auto, met spoilers, is veel sneller dan die (auto), zonder spoilers.
  that car  with spoilers  is much faster  than  that car  without spoilers
[+]  E.  Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun, personal pronouns and proper nouns

Non-restrictive PPs can be readily used to modify constructions with possessive pronouns, with personal pronouns and with proper nouns. In all cases, the referent of the noun phrase is assumed to be identifiable independently from the extra information provided by the PP-modifier. The PP-modifier can be left out without affecting the grammaticality, felicitousness or truth conditions of the predication.

[+]  1.  Noun phrases with a possessive pronoun

In (77) some examples are given of non-restrictive PPs modifying noun phrases with possessive determiners. Although in all cases the PP provides additional information, the reason for providing this information varies: in (77a) it may be added to indicate that my grandfatherʼs coming tonight is something special, considering his old age; in (77b) it is added as an explanation for the fact that my friend has little time for herself; in (77c), finally, the information provided by the PP may be seen as purely additional, that is, as unrelated to the predication.

Example 77
a. Mijn opa, van 96, komt vanavond ook.
  my granddad  of 96  comes  tonight  too
  'My granddad, of 96, is also coming tonight.'
b. Mijn vriendin, met zes kinderen, heeft nauwelijks tijd voor zichzelf.
  my friend  with six children  has  hardly  time  for herself
  'My friend, with six children, hardly has any time for herself.'
c. Mijn vriendin, uit Amsterdam, heeft net gebeld.
  my friend  from Amsterdam  has  just  called
[+]  2.  Personal pronouns

The examples in (78) show that, although in principle the referent of the personal pronoun is assumed to be identifiable regardless of the information provided in the PP-modifier, this modifier may nevertheless add information to facilitate identification.

Example 78
a. Zij (daar), met die blauwe blouse, is mijn buurvrouw.
  she there  with the blue blouse  is my neighbor
b. Hij, bij het raam daar, is mijn broer.
  he  at the window there  is my brother

A special use of plural personal pronouns with PP-modifiers is exemplified in (79). Despite the fact that the PPs are locational, they are not used here to restrict the set denoted by the pronouns we'we', jullie'you' or zij'they' to those members who are in a particular place; as a matter of fact, the speakers need not even be at the location mentioned at the time of speaking. The PPs are rather used here to extend reference from the speaker set to a larger set of people, namely that of Dutch or German people in general.

Example 79
a. Wij(,) in Nederland(,) doen dat heel anders.
  we  in the.Netherlands  do  that  very differently
b. Jullie/Zij(,) in Duitsland(,) kennen dat probleem niet.
  you/they  in Germany  know  that problem  not
  'You in Germany donʼt have that problem.'

As is indicated in the examples by means of glosses, the intonation break seems optional: if the intonation break is present the referent set is actively limited to the people from the Netherlands, the meaning coming close to “We Dutch people do that very differently”; if the intonation break is present, the PP has the feel of an apposition: “We, the Dutch people, do that very differently”.

[+]  3.  Proper nouns

Non-restrictive PP-modifiers can also be used to modify proper nouns. Once again, as proper nouns normally have unique reference in a given discourse situation, their referent can be assumed to be identifiable with or without the non-restrictive modifier. Some examples are given in (80).

Example 80
a. Jan, op vakantie in Frankrijk, was nog niet op de hoogte.
  Jan  on holiday in France  was  yet  not  informed
b. Els, in Amsterdam, wachtte op bericht van Peter, in Berlijn.
  Els  in Amsterdam  waited  on news  of Peter  in Berlin
  'Els, in Amsterdam, was waiting for news from Peter, in Berlin.'
References:
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