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1.3.5. The residue
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The three adjective classes discussed in the previous sections leave us with a residue of adjectives that neither attribute a property to the head noun, nor express a kind-of relation, nor imply some negative or positive evaluation. Often, these adjectives seem to be related to adverbs. The following subsections discuss some subclasses of this residue.

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[+]  I.  Modal adjectives

The modal adjectives are comparable to the modal adverbs in that they express some notion of modality. In (158a), for instance, vermeend'alleged/supposed' expresses the fact that the person we are talking about has been mistaken for or is supposed to be the culprit. In (158b) we express the fact that the thing we are talking about may turn out to be a counterexample. In (158c), finally, we express the fact that Peter may possibly leave. As is illustrated in the primed examples, the modal adjectives, not being set-denoting, cannot be used predicatively.

Example 158
a. de vermeende dader
  the  alleged  culprit
a'. * De dader is vermeend.
   the culprit  is alleged
b. het potentiële tegenvoorbeeld
  the  potential  counterexample
b'. * Het tegenvoorbeeld is potentieel.
   the counterexample  is potential
c. Peters eventuele vertrek
  Peterʼs  possible  departure
c'. * Peters vertrek is eventueel.
   Peterʼs departure  is possible
[+]  II.  Amplifiers

The second subclass is constituted by the amplifiers like those in (159), which scale upwards from some implicitly assumed norm. These adjectives do not attribute a property to the head noun but emphasize that the description provided by noun phrase is applicable to the subject of the copular clause. This means that the adjectives are clearly not set-denoting, which correctly predicts that they cannot be used in the predicative position of the primed examples. The adjectives are, however, clearly related to the adverbs in the doubly-primed examples, which have a similar amplifying meaning.

Example 159
a. Hij is een echte held
  he  is a  true  hero
a'. * Deze held is echt.
   this hero  is true
a''. Hij is echt een held.
  he  is  truly  a hero
b. Dat is absolute onzin
  that is absolute nonsense
b'. * Deze onzin is absoluut.
   this nonsense  is absolute
b''. Dit is absoluut onzin.
  this  is absolutely  nonsense
c. Dit is een duidelijke fout
  this is a  clear  mistake 
c'. * Deze fout is duidelijk.
   this mistake  is clear
c''. Jan heeft duidelijk een fout gemaakt.
  Jan has  clearly  a mistake  made
  'Jan clearly made a mistake.'
[+]  III.  Quantifiers

The third subclass is constituted by quantifiers like gedeeltelijk'partial', half'half', volledig'total' in (160). With (perhaps) the exception of the last example, quantifiers cannot be used predicatively. They are, however, clearly related to the adverbs in the doubly-primed examples.

Example 160
a. een gedeeltelijke vergoeding
  partial  compensation
a'. *? De vergoeding was gedeeltelijk.
   the compensation was partial
a''. De schade werd gedeeltelijk vergoed.
  the damage  was  partially  compensated
b. een halve toezegging
  half  promise
b'. *? De toezegging was half.
   the promise  was  half
b''. Jan had het al half toegezegd.
  Jan had it  already  half promised
c. een volledige onderwerping
  total  submission
c'. ? De onderwerping was volledig.
   the victory  was total
c''. De vijand werd volledig onderworpen.
  the enemy  was  completely  submitted
[+]  IV.  Restrictors

The fourth subclass is constituted by restrictors such as those in (161), which restrict the reference of the noun. Like the subclasses above, they cannot be used predicatively (with the intended meaning). They differ from these classes, however, in that the restrictors do not have an adverbial counterpart.

Example 161
a. een zeker persoon
  certain  person
a'. # Deze persoon is zeker.
b. de enige gelegenheid
  the  only  occasion
b'. # Deze gelegenheid is enig.
c. het precieze antwoord
  the  precise  answer
c'. # Het antwoord is precies.

Perhaps time adjectives such as gewezen/voormalig/vroeger'former', huidig'present(day)', toekomstige'future', and vorige'previous' also fall into this class.

Example 162
a. de voormalige koningin
  the  former  queen
a'. * De koningin is voormalig.
b. de huidige koningin
  the  present  queen
b'. * De koningin is huidig.
c. de toekomstige koning
  the  future  king
c'. * De koning is toekomstig.
d. de vorige vergadering
  the  previous  meeting
d'. * De vergadering is vorig.
[+]  V.  Adjectives related to adverbial phrases

Besides the cases discussed in the previous subsections, there are many adjectives that do not seem to fall into a well-defined class, but which do seem to be related to adverbs. Some typical examples are given in (163); observe that the nouns are all deverbal.

Example 163
a. een snelle berekening
  quick  calculation
b. een harde werker
   a  hard  worker
a'. * De berekening is snel.
b'. * De werker is hard.
a''. Hij berekent het snel.
  he  calculates  it  quickly
b''. Hij werkt hard.
   he  works  hard
c. een zware roker
  heavy  smoker
d. een frequente bezoeker
   a  frequent  visitor
c'. # De roker is zwaar.
d'. * De bezoeker is frequent.
c''. Hij rookt zwaar.
  he  smokes  heavily
d''. Hij bezoekt de bioscoop frequent.
   he  visits  the cinema  frequently

Some more or lesss idiomatic examples in which the relation of the attributively used adjectives to the adverbially used adjectives is less direct are given in (164). Observe that these adjectives can also be used predicatively, but then the meaning is slightly different. In this respect they resemble the adjectives discussed in Subsection VI.

Example 164
a. het late journaal
  'the late news; the news that is broadcast late in the evening'
a'. Het journaal is laat (vandaag).
  'The news is late/later than usual (today).'
b. een goede moeder
  'a good mother; a mother who takes care of her children well'
b'. Zijn moeder is goed.
  'His mother is good (not necessarily as a mother).'
c. een snelle auto
  'a fast car; a car that can drive fast'
c'. ? Die auto is snel.
  that car is fast
[+]  VI.  Non-prototypical use of set-denoting adjectives

Some set-denoting adjectives can be used attributively in a non-qualifying manner, which is excluded if they are used predicatively; the predicatively used adjectives in the primed examples in (165) cannot be interpreted in the same manner as the attributively used adjectives in the primeless examples. Example (165c'') shows that the attributively used adjectives cannot be used adverbially either. Examples of this sort have a more or lesss idiomatic flavor.

Example 165
a. een oude vriend van me
  an  old  friend  of mine
a'. # Deze vriend van mij is oud.
   this friend of mine  is old
b. de gewone man
  the  common  man
b'. # Deze man is gewoon.
   this man  is common
c. een grote eter
  big  eater
c'. # Deze eter is groot.
   this eater is big
c''. * Hij eet groot.
  he  eats  big

For completeness’ sake, compare the examples in (165a&c) to those in (166a&b); the latter do seem to behave like set-denoting adjectives, given that they give rise to a more or lesss acceptable result on the intended reading if they are used in predicative position.

Example 166
a. een oude vriendschap
  an  old friendship
a'. ? Onze vriendschap is oud.
b. een grote eetlust
  big appetite
b'. Mijn eetlust is groot.
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